Kategorie-Archiv: science

The New Totalitarianism: You are free to do everything they want

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The New Totalitarianism

A dystopia (from the Greek δυσ- and τόπος, alternatively, cacotopia, kakotopia, or anti-utopia) is a community or society that is in some important way undesirable or frightening. It is literally translated as „not-good place“, an antonym of utopia. Such societies appear in many artistic works, particularly in stories set in a future. Dystopias are often characterized by dehumanization, totalitarian governments, environmental disaster, or other characteristics associated with a cataclysmic decline in society. Dystopian societies appear in many sub-genres of fiction and are often used to draw attention to real-world issues regarding society, environment, politics, economics, religion, psychology, ethics, science, and/or technology, which if unaddressed could potentially lead to such a dystopia-like condition.

Famous depictions of dystopian societies include R.U.R. (which introduced the concept of robots and the word „robot“ for the first time); Nineteen Eighty-Four, which takes place in a totalitarian invasive super state; Brave New World, where the society’s energy is forcibly directed into drug-addled consumerism and hedonism; Fahrenheit 451, where the state burns books to create apathy and disinterest in the general public; A Clockwork Orange, where the state uses psychological torture to reform violent youths; Blade Runner in which engineered „replicants“ infiltrate society and must be hunted down before they injure humans; The Matrix, in which the human species is trapped in a virtual reality world created by intelligent machines, The Hunger Games, in which the government controls its people by maintaining a constant state of fear through forcing randomly selected children to participate in an annual fight to the death; Logan’s Run, in which both population and the consumption of resources are maintained in equilibrium by requiring the death of everyone reaching a particular age; Soylent Green, where society suffers from pollution, overpopulation, depleted resources, poverty, dying oceans, a hot climate, and much of the population survives on processed food rations, including „soylent green“.

Jack London’s novel The Iron Heel was described by Erich Fromm as „the earliest of the modern Dystopia“.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dystopia

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A chapter from Michael O’Brien’s book, The Family and the New Totalitarianism (currently out of print) published in 1995 by the White Horse Press, Canada.

The word totalitarianism usually generates impressions of dictatorial systems which crush civic freedoms and negate the humanity of their subjects in an effort to achieve complete control. Images of barbed wire, jack-boots and thought-control are conjured up in our minds. 20th century literature has given us some powerful works of fiction which suggest a variety of possible totalitarian futures: one thinks immediately of Orwell’s 1984 and Huxley’s Brave New World. Common to these dystopias (utopias which have collapsed into tyranny) is the absolutizing of the power of the State, or systems controlled by the State.

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Totalitarianism invariably strives to do away with genuine absolutes and to establish false absolutes in their place. Genuine absolutes are fundamental, ultimate, unqualified truths, independent of the ebb and flow of cultures, fashions, myths and prejudices. An example of genuine moral absolutes is the Ten Commandments. An example of false absolutes can be found in Marx’s ideology, where a theory called dialectic is posited as the mechanism which determines human history—an “abstraction” that has resulted in hundreds of millions of violent deaths.

G.K. Chesterton wrote in his 1935 book, The Well and the Shallows:

“It is the State which changes; it is the State which destroys; it is nearly always the State which persecutes. The Totalitarian State is now making a clean sweep of all our old notions of liberty, even more than the French Revolution made a clean sweep of all the old ideas of loyalty. It is the Church that excommunicates; but in that very word implies that a communion stands open for a restored communicant. It is the State that exterminates; it is the State that abolishes absolutely and altogether; whether it is the American State abolishing beer, or the Fascist State abolishing parties; or the Hitlerite State abolishing almost everything but itself.”

Chesterton touches upon an important characteristic of totalitarian states. The absolute ruler always attempts to destroy diversity. He cannot rest content with a passive populace. As he extends his grasp into more and more aspects of human life he becomes hostile to everything outside of his own will. As his power becomes near absolute it grows increasingly negative, because by its very nature it must oppose what cannot be extinguished in the human person. It must seek at some point to destroy the inner impulse to genuine creativity which depends for its well-being on freedom from manipulation.

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The tyrant in the beginning rarely looks like a monster. He usually appears to be the savior of his people, though once he has attained power he soon shows his hand—at root he merely wishes to accumulate as much power as possible in order to obtain an absolute security or glory for himself, and to enjoy it at any cost. This kind of tyrant is not difficult to identify. When he runs out of gasoline or bullets or wheat the people cast him off, because he is a monster who looks like a monster. He has blown his cover. More difficult to pin down and to throw off is the idealistic tyrant who expands his power in order to protect what he considers to be the good of his subjects. He will reduce crime and make the trains run on time. He will balance the budget and bring order and a measure of material plenty to the nation. He will labor to make a better citizen of the raw material of his subjects. There can be a reassuring sense of security in all this. We like dependable public services and an ordered economy, though we would, perhaps, remain uneasy about trading away certain freedoms. But it is precisely the elimination of personal responsibility which is the tyrant’s ultimate goal, for this is what he sees as our fatal flaw.

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It must be understood that the highly motivated idealist is not merely interested in improving the exterior forms of society. He wishes to save us from ourselves. Of course, he will find that basic human nature is rather difficult to remold, and as time goes on he will need to continuously expand his power until his control approaches the level of totality. If he is clever at it and fills up the world with beautiful rhetoric, and takes care not to grossly infringe upon our pleasurable rights, and if, at the same time, he takes upon his own shoulders our unpleasant rights, the ones which demand effort and sacrifice, then he may get away with it. This is never more possible than in a historical period of extreme stress. In such a climate the lifting of our responsibilities is not felt as deprivation; it feels, rather, like relief from intolerable tensions. Somebody at last is doing something about the human condition! A sick society is getting therapy! A cancer patient puts himself into the hands of his doctor, so why shouldn’t a “dysfunctional” people entrust itself to its social or political physicians? Somewhere during the therapy there is a decisive transfer of power and responsibility. When this happens on a massive scale something is seriously amiss. There may not be brown-shirts and jackboots marching in the streets. No public book-burnings. No grotesque executions. In some cases there may even be no visible dictator, only a system or a social philosophy which permeates and controls everything. Indeed, the world may appear to be perfectly normal. The Catholic philosopher Josef Pieper points out that this is the most dangerous form of totalitarianism of all, almost impossible to throw off, because it never appears to be what, in fact, it is.

Both the monster tyrant and the “humanitarian” tyrant offer something that appears to be a good. Both, in the end, will exact a terrible price. The person who wishes to remain free must understand that he cannot and should not pay that price. In the beginning the payments may appear small and harmless enough. We are asked to compromise a little here, a little there, unsuspecting that eventually there will be no strength left to resist the betrayal of everything. Pope John Paul II once said, “I would a thousand times rather have a persecuted Church than a compromised Church.” The Church stands as the one defender of the entire range of human and divine absolutes in the world. She knows that if she wishes to remain free—that is, free in the fullest sense of the word, free to be completely herself, free to defend Love and Truth—she must be ever willing to be a sign of contradiction, and if necessary to accept that society will condemn her.

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Christopher Dawson, in The Judgment of the Nations contrasted the collapse of the Roman Empire to the collapse of a Christian civilization. He believed that something far more ominous is at work in the latter:

“For the civilization which has been undermined, and is now threatened by total subversion, is a Christian civilization, built on the spiritual values and religious ideals of Saint Augustine and his like; and its adversary is not the simple barbarism of alien peoples who stand on a lower cultural level, but new Powers armed with all the resources of scientific technique, which are inspired by a ruthless will to power, that recognizes no law save that of their own strength.”

Dawson was referring to overt tyrannies. However, he went on to sound some additional warnings for us all:

“Thus, the situation that Christians have to face today has more in common with that described by the author of the Apocalypse than with the age of St. Augustine. The world is strong and it has evil masters. But these masters are not vicious autocrats like Nero and Domitian. They are the engineers of the mechanism of world power: a mechanism that is more formidable than anything the ancient world knew, because it is not confined to external means, like the despotisms of the past, but uses all the resources of modern psychology to make the human soul the motor of its dynamic purpose.”

Dawson was describing here the shape of a possible future, a global non-violent totalitarianism that is the most serious of all tyrannies, from the Christian viewpoint, because in it evil has become depersonalized, “separated from individual appetite and passion, and exalted . . . into a sphere in which all moral values are confused and transformed. The great terrorists . . . have not been immoral men, but rigid puritans who did evil coldly, by principle.”

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In his fascinating book, Inside the Third Reich, Albert Speer, Hitler’s architect and armaments minister, wrote about the state of mind of the German people as Hitler rose to power. He says that most Germans disliked the sinister side of Hitler’s policies, but in a spirit of optimism, they assumed that he would leave behind his more unpleasant policies once he attained the dignity of high office. They overlooked his errors because they thought his form of law and order would be a lesser evil than the social disruption they were suffering during the nineteen twenties and thirties. By succumbing to the “lesser evil” argument, they brought upon the world an evil of epic proportions.

But what happens to the discernment of a people when a tyrant arrives without any of the usual sinister costumes of brutal dictators? What happens when the errors come in pleasing disguises, and are promoted by very fine people? Those living in such an environment have more than one difficulty to overcome in properly assessing what is happening. They find themselves within the events which are unfolding, and thus are faced with the problem of perception: how to see the hidden structure of their chaotic times, how to step outside of it and to view it objectively while remaining within it as a participant, as an agent for the good.

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How are we Catholic people to do this if we are not rooted in the Truth? Will we be willing to compromise moral absolutes in the education of our children merely because attractive personalities, very intelligent idealists, say we should? Will the homogenization of our children’s minds be acceptable simply because we want the next generation to be nicely outfitted to cope with a profoundly disordered society? Will we be willing to sacrifice genuine diversity for the sake of the illusion of unity? Did our Catholic people help to elect a murderous social movement in this province and others, because its economic policies appeared to be kinder to the poor than the capitalist party that it replaced, forgetting the fact that abortion takes the life of far more children of the poor than children of the comfortable? Just as Dawson predicted, the confusion and transformation of moral values is seen widely as a moral cause.

How long will it take for our people to understand that when humanist sentiments replace moral absolutes, it is not long before very idealistic people begin to invade human families in the name of the family, and destroy human lives in the name of humanity? This is the idealist’s greatest temptation, the temptation by which nations and cultures so often fall. The wielder of power is deluded into thinking he can remold reality into a less unkind condition. If he succeeds in convincing his people of the delusion and posits for them an enemy of the collective good, then unspeakable evils can be released in society. Those who share a mass-delusion rarely recognize it as such, and can pursue the most heinous acts in a spirit of self-righteousness. Democracies are not immune from such delusions, although they tend to forms of oppression that are not overtly violent. Democracies in decline, however, will eventually revert to covert oppression and the overt, gradual erosion of human rights.

In his 1995 encyclical Evangelium Vitae, The Gospel of Life, John Paul II writes:

This is what is happening also at the level of politics and government: the original and inalienable right to life is questioned or denied on the basis of a parliamentary vote or the will of one part of the people—even if it is the majority. This is the sinister result of a relativism which reigns unopposed: the “right” ceases to be such, because it is no longer firmly founded on the inviolable dignity of the person, but is made subject to the will of the stronger part. In this way democracy, contradicting its own principles, effectively moves towards a form of totalitarianism. The State is no longer the “common home” where all can live together on the basis of principles of fundamental equality, but is transformed into a tyrant State, which arrogates to itself the right to dispose of the life of the weakest and most defenceless members, from the unborn child to the elderly, in the name of a public interest which is really nothing but the interest of one part. The appearance of the strictest respect for legality is maintained, at least when the laws permitting abortion and euthanasia are the result of a ballot in accordance with what are generally seen as the rules of democracy. Really, what we have here is only the tragic caricature of legality; the democratic ideal, which is only truly such when it acknowledges and safeguards the dignity of every human person, is betrayed in its very foundations: How is it still possible to speak of the dignity of every human person when the killing of the weakest and most innocent is permitted? In the name of what justice is the most unjust of discriminations practiced: some individuals are held to be deserving of defense and others are denied that dignity? When this happens, the process leading to the breakdown of a genuinely human co-existence and the disintegration of the State itself has already begun. . . .

In seeking the deepest roots of the struggle between the “culture of life” and the “culture of death”, we cannot restrict ourselves to the perverse idea of freedom mentioned above. We have to go to the heart of the tragedy being experienced by modern man: the eclipse of the sense of God and man, typical of a social and cultural climate dominated by secularism, which, with its ubiquitous tentacles, succeeds at times in putting Christian communities themselves to the test. Those who allow themselves to be influenced by this climate easily fall into a sad and vicious circle: when the sense of God is lost, there is also a tendency to lose the sense of man.

Our defense of reality itself, our resistance to various forms of totalitarianism, will demand both strong reactive measures and pro-active ones: an examination of conscience, a restoration of reverence for the “whole truth about man,” a return to Gospel principles in all aspects of our lives, and above all a profound conversion to worship of God. We must become a people who are in submissio, that is, submitted completely to the mission of the Church, in statu missionis. Thus, fully within the mainstream of grace, under the mantle of God’s divine authority, and uniting ourselves to the obedience of Christ on the Cross, we participate in the reversal of Adam’s sin. In this way we will find a personal, secret joy hidden within the crucifixion of our willfulness, a gateway to freedom, a dying that leads to life. And in doing so we will assist in the redemption of the world.

We must also support a widespread rebirth of those small, diverse, and beautiful works of man which retain their human dimensions and thereby foster the full meaning of the human person. There is need for a rediscovery of the family farm, cottage industries, new and old literature that is as vital as it is true, arts and crafts that are beautiful and made with love, schools small enough so that children can be known and nurtured as unique individuals, worker-owned co-operatives, small presses, libraries, community bees, works of mercy, discussion groups, etc.—these are only a beginning. We must learn and relearn that the only effective response to degeneracy, political, cultural, or otherwise, is to create an alternate culture that is so good, so beautiful, and so true that man is drawn back to his own true home.

The rediscovery of the family as a genuine social absolute is a crucial element of mankind’s rediscovery of this home. We must hope for it against all odds, but in the hoping we must have a realistic understanding of what those odds are. Pessimism is not Christian hope; nor is naïve optimism. We should not underestimate the capacity of modern man for self-delusion, especially when he has a great deal invested emotionally in the delusion. If awareness of the sacredness of the family has waned in our era, it is only partly due to attacks by exterior enemies. Catholics, to put it simply, have not valued Truth. In many of the particular churches we have been poorly educated in knowledge of the Truth and even more poorly educated in the spirituality of living the Truth. We did not see that our very lives hang upon the effective defense of Truth. As a result we have been fundamentally weakened and rendered virtually unprotected against the onslaught of propaganda from the media and the social sciences, which for many years have posited the origins of most human “dysfunction” in the internal politics of the family. Traditional marriage and family life are now commonly considered to be a form of oppression, even bondage. This, coupled to a loss of the sense of sin, has created a generation in which men and women no longer feel ennobled by self-sacrifice and the honoring of commitments. Nor do they feel endangered by the world of evil, by the possibility of personal slavery to invisible forces or to their own fallen natures. It is difficult for them to imagine that a pagan state might one day reinstitute an exterior form of slavery (although it would call it by a more attractive name). In his l930 essay “The New Paganism,” Hilaire Belloc noted that the liberal mind always abhors slavery in theory, but in the future, when liberalism has brought about the return of paganism, it will shortly thereafter resurrect the grand old institution of . . . slavery. However, he suggests, it will then be called “permanent employment.” Most people will have become unable to recognize that it is, in fact, what it is.

The supposed rationality of the idealist is perhaps the worst aspect of his condition, for it renders him less capable of pausing for a moment of reflection on what is real, or experiencing a healthy skirmish with self-doubt. It is this invincible self-righteousness which should alert us to the possibility that we may be living in the preliminary stages of a massive shift to totalitarian Statism on every level of society—including our religious institutions. If so, what are its exact parameters? How far will it go to usurp the perennial rights and duties of man? And if it is going to go very far (which is not yet certain) how do we stand in its path and resist it?

There are no precise blueprints of totalitarianism, for by its nature, even in its exercise of power, it is a shifting mirage. It does not know what it is, because it has no real absolutes on which to stand still and to know itself. It is urgent, therefore, that we recognize it for what it is, wherever it takes on a new form and attempts to dominate the human community. But how are we to accurately identify a force which appears in pleasing shapes and absorbs institutions with hardly an indiscretion? There are some traits which are common to violent and nonviolent forms of totalitarianism alike. The former justifies its harsh measures in the name of a so-called greater good—usually “the good of the people.” Soft totalitarianism is not fundamentally different in this regard, although its invasion of the rights and duties of man are executed with somewhat more diplomacy. We must remember here that in the beginning most oppressive regimes do not begin with overt oppression; in their early stages they appear as liberators. But when the moral foundations have crumbled under the euphoric advance of theory, it is only a matter of time before the living reality works out its awful consequences in practice. It bears repeating that this form is in the long run more destructive of the family, for it preserves the illusion of freedom. It directs its subjects to many roads, but the roads do not lead anywhere. It creates an impression of a broader world, but it is a vast prison, on the borders of which are impenetrable walls—impenetrable most of all because its residents have come to believe that there is nothing beyond it. It maintains power by continuously shifting the ground on which its subjects stand. Right, wrong, good, evil, and the identity of persons and things are each re-examined in an ongoing inquisition.

In his 1993 encyclical Veritatis Splendor, The Splendor of Truth, John Paul II warns of the consequences of sliding into this moral relativism:

Today, when many countries have seen the fall of ideologies which bound politics to a totalitarian conception of the world—Marxism being the foremost of these—there is no less grave a danger that the fundamental rights of the human person will be denied and that the religious yearnings which arise in the heart of every human being will be absorbed once again into politics. This is the risk of an alliance between democracy and ethical relativism, which would remove any sure reference point from political and social life, and on a deeper level make the acknowledgment of truth impossible. Indeed, “if there is no ultimate truth to guide and direct political activity, then ideas and convictions can easily be manipulated for reasons of power. As history demonstrates, a democracy without values easily turns into open or thinly disguised totalitarianism.”

Clearly, the Holy Father is not saying that Christians should abandon politics, for elsewhere he urges us to involve ourselves directly in the political process. He is here warning mankind against the folly of making politics into a religion that would displace the absolute rights of God and morality. The danger of this is so immediate that we can now reply to Marxism’s famous sneer, “Religion is the opiate of the masses,” with the more accurate observation that the politics of manipulation is the opiate of romantic intellectuals. Have we arrived at the stage where the politics of manipulation, and the manipulation of politics, is indeed drugging the people of the traditionally democratic nations? Consider that in the present day West, the arts, the media, the courts, education, psychology, sociology and anthropology and their hybrid disciplines, have contributed to a redefinition of the human person. Judging by the literature and the rhetoric coming out of these seemingly disparate movements, they have made a unanimous leap of faith: the restoration of man, apparently, now largely depends on the restructuring of behaviour and personality.

In his masterful essay on education, The Abolition of Man, C. S. Lewis pointed out that man’s power to make of himself what he pleases really means the power of some men to make of other men what they please. In other words, the human person will be increasingly perceived as a cell in a collective, needing not so much redemption by conversion as re-education and rehabilitation. Lewis foresaw that programs of reform would be developed and managed by a new class which he called The Conditioners. They will not be bad men, he advised. They will be highly motivated, and in fact will see themselves as the producers of motivation. They will become more and more dangerous as they are “armed with the powers of an omni-competent state and an irresistible scientific technique.” Their primary point of focus will be the reconstruction of human conscience: “They know how to produce conscience and decide what kind of conscience they will produce.” They themselves are outside, above, the dictates of the very conscience they produce, yet they consider themselves “the servants and guardians of humanity.”

Lewis observed the growth of this phenomenon from a Christian perspective, but there were non-Christian minds of his generation who also saw it developing. Aldous Huxley, in Brave New World Revisited (l958), said that the totalitarianism he had foreseen in l931 was materializing in the Western world at a much faster rate than he had thought possible. In Brave New World he had predicted a society in which the family, religion, language and art had been neutered and all conflicts eliminated by genetic engineering. He portrayed a perfect synthesis of technology and paganism. In Revisited he had come to believe that the totalitarianism of the immediate future would be less visibly violent than that of the Hitlers and Stalins, but it would create a society “painlessly regimented by a corps of highly trained social engineers.” He maintained that in such a society “democracy and freedom will be the theme of every broadcast and editorial,” but the underlying substance would be a seemingly benign totalitarianism. Huxley’s otherwise perceptive book was itself a victim of the modern misunderstanding of authority. He could not see the connection between his own brand of liberalism and the world it was helping to create. The book is marred by his prejudice against the Church, which he lumps together with Marxism and Fascism. George Orwell makes the same mistake in his famous essay “Politics and the English Language.” Like so many modern anti-totalitarians, they failed to distinguish between raw power and responsible exercise of authority. We should note their failure carefully, for if even the most honest and courageous minds in the secular camp cannot grasp such basic distinctions, then late Western man is in grave trouble.

Modern secularists, regardless of how articulate they may be, are very often victims of one-dimensional thinking. In Mere Christianity C.S. Lewis points out:

“Christianity thinks of human individuals not as mere members of a group or items in a list, but as organs in a body—different from one another and each contributing what no other could. When you find yourself wanting to turn your children, or pupils, or even your neighbors, into people exactly like yourself, remember that God probably never meant them to be that. You and they are different organs, intended to do different things. On the other hand, when you are tempted not to bother about someone else’s troubles because they are ‘no business of yours’, remember that though he is different from you he is part of the same organism as you. If you forget that he belongs to the same organism as yourself you will be come an Individualist. If you forget that he is a different organ from you, if you want to suppress differences and make people all alike, you will become a Totalitarian. But a Christian must not be either a Totalitarian or an Individualist.

“I feel a strong desire to tell you—and I expect you feel a strong desire to tell me—which of these two errors is the worse. That is the Devil getting at us. He always sends errors into the world in pairs of opposites. And he always encourages us to spend a lot of time thinking which is the worse. You see why, of course? He relies on your extra dislike of the one error to draw you gradually into the opposite one. But do not let us be fooled. We have to keep our eyes on the goal and go straight through between both errors.”

There is a dangerous crack in the mind of modern man. In his supposed love for liberty and hatred of tyranny, he ignores the yawning crevasse which has opened up between freedom and responsibility. Unless those two are bridged by moral absolutes, he must eventually fall into the abyss, dragging his society in after him. In doing so he may unwittingly inflict a totalitarianism more complete than the full frontal attacks of monsters like Hitler and Stalin. The straw man of an “Inquisitional Catholic Church” lurks like a bogey in his subconscious; it does not impress him that the Roman Catholic Church has functioned for more than a century solely as a spiritual authority. It has no police, no armies, only the force of Truth and Love operating in the consciences of men. Veritas and Caritas, the Church knows, are the only real guarantees of social and individual freedoms. Curiously, it is her persistence in this regard which is found most objectionable to the modern mind, and especially to the totalitarian mind, violent and non-violent alike. The Catholic Church is portrayed on many levels of culture (including arts, communications media, education, and politics) as the monolithic structure thath produces oppressed and oppressive personalities. Modern liberalism in its secular and religious mutations is creating this universal impression. The world it is forming is in an agony of moral and spiritual sterility. Truth is made relative, undependable. Love is eroded in the name of love, communication rendered pointless in the name of “openness,” human life is devalued (being itself is despised) in the name of “quality of life.” We swim in a tide of such ominous symptoms but we have come to think of them as “normal.” We assume that the barbaric and the diabolical will be restrained by the democratic process. This is colossally naïve. Not only does it fly in the face of the very informative events which have taken place in our century, it ignores some key warning bells which are ringing here and there in the Western world.

We are at a turning point in history. The extraordinary pontificate of John Paul II is drawing many souls back to God, and even some nations to reflection on the moral absolutes and the meaning of man. The Church has all the resources necessary to restore man to his sense of purpose and identity. Yet, in the exercise of the ecclesial life of the West a kind of schizophrenia continues: we pay lip service to the Truth, and go on to do what we feel like. We say “Yes” and do “No,” but cushion the disobedience with subtly nuanced theology. The magisterial authority of the teaching Church is ignored while near-infallibility is conferred upon academic experts and committees.

Crucial choices have arrived and more are approaching. The abortion and euthanasia issues are the most ugly of these crises, but they are symptoms of something much deeper. We face a situation similar to the crisis which Christian Germany reached when the National Socialists enacted the racial laws, when state-sanctioned evil was funded by a large number of its citizenry who regarded the acts they were paying for through taxes to be crimes. Is this acceptable merely because the state or that elusive “voice of the people” has decided that the Jew or the pre-birth child is not quite human? And in a few short years will the orthodox Catholic or Christian be considered “an enemy of the people?” And will the family which fails to conform to state-defined notions of health be categorized as “dysfunctional,” and thus undeserving of custody of their children? If we should wake up some morning to find that a massive infrastructure of Conditioners is proceeding with the reconditioning of society—in the name of the people, in the name of the family, in the name of the child—who then will judge the State, and who will judge the people? Will we look back upon the present as the last brief period in which it was still possible to reverse the tide?

Is this a paranoiac nightmare or the shape of the world materializing under our very eyes? The objective signs should be sufficient to at least raise the necessary questions. Our pogroms and our crystalnachts are hidden away in clinics and hospitals. The people of the West are a nice people. An idealistic people. But note carefully the public rhetoric, note how the destruction of a child, the violation of conscience, the undermining of personal responsibility, the steady elimination of diversity, are lauded as steps in the protection of rights and freedoms. Have we reached that point to which Dawson, Pieper, Huxley, and Belloc referred? If it is true that rhetoric about freedom and democracy proliferates as the real thing declines, then the Western world has entered a period of institutionalized unreality.

http://www.studiobrien.com/the-new-totalitarianism/

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Soft totalitarianism

The most interesting aspect of the New Right is that, in following Vaclav Havel, it has diagnosed “soft totalitarianism”: the absolute state administered not by its police force, but by its citizens. Citizens turn each other in for rewards, whether official or simply social.

Soft social forces like this can work in a positive way. If there is a neighborhood pedophile, having people come together and remove that person is a benefit to all. However, we switched to organized government long ago because vigilante justice and mob retribution are too often misused or inaccurate, as happened in the Salem witch trial or when online user groups play detective.

In the case of soft totalitarianism however the subject matter is not something as natural as beating down predators. Rather it is the hunting down and elimination of all “politically incorrect” viewpoints. Consider the term “political correctness”: it literally means adjusting everything we say and do to fit with the political ideology of our time. It is the opposite of “think for yourself,” or even “think.” It is the jackboot slamming on the face of humanity, but within our own minds. Why enforce with police, or even courts, when you can get the population to panic instead and flee from any “bad” thoughts, flinging feces at the person implicated?

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Soft totalitarianism succeeds because it taps into our instincts going back to our glorious Simian heritage. Monkeys live in “troops,” or small groups like tribes but less strictly associated with heritage. If one monkey comes down with a disease, the other monkeys will throw stones at it and drive it out of the troop. Thus in monkey society, the primary social concern is: where do I rank in the troop, aka how close am I to getting thrown out? Humans have adopted this into in-group/out-group logic within a modern society united by nothing but political-economic ideology; when people have nothing in common with each other, the instant the crowd turns on someone they will have no compunction about destroying that person.

And this requires zero intervention from government. It’s “freedom,” after all, to form a mob and go after people so long as you don’t literally murder them. This is what happened to Mozilla CEO Brendan Eich, who has driven out of the troop not for hating gays, but for not supporting gay marriage. He did nothing affirmative against gays; he denied that they should have a right historically extended to heterosexuals. The Crowd gathered and deposed him. From Mozilla’s press release:

Mozilla prides itself on being held to a different standard and, this past week, we didn’t live up to it. We know why people are hurt and angry, and they are right: it’s because we haven’t stayed true to ourselves.

We didn’t act like you’d expect Mozilla to act. We didn’t move fast enough to engage with people once the controversy started. We’re sorry. We must do better.

Brendan Eich has chosen to step down from his role as CEO. He’s made this decision for Mozilla and our community.

Mozilla believes both in equality and freedom of speech. Equality is necessary for meaningful speech. And you need free speech to fight for equality. Figuring out how to stand for both at the same time can be hard.

The rest is more of the same groveling.

dumbestgen

What does soft totalitarianism mean?

First, it means that any dissent with be met with destruction of your livelihood. The only people with true free speech will be billionaires, because they do not require income. Anyone else who speaks up will be driven out of his job; anyone who aids him will be driven out of her job. Anyone who speaks up in her defense will be driven out of his job, in turn. You are the diseased monkey, and the only permissible act is to throw stones at you. We have un-done civilization itself and reverting to witch hunts and lynch mobs.

rascals_214_by_mastergodai-d6m2kuk

Second, it means that our society is entirely inwardly-focused. Those who can create things, like Brendan Eich who guided the development of JavaScript, are secondary to those with the right opinions. The resulting hybrid of corruption and ideological nepotism ensures that soon we will have Beautiful People in our elites everywhere, but that they will be useless. Sure, they can memorize instructions and repeat variations on actions from the past. That’s why they’re all so good at developing web apps despite the crushing tedium of doing so. But when it comes to making strategy decisions, or inventing actual new technology, they will be lost. We have replaced the innovators and their politically incorrect opinions with a herd of politically correct but fundamentally useless people.

If you wonder what brings down empires, it is this internal policing of reality. The Soviet Union fell because it was politically incorrect to say that fewer beets had been grown that what the Five Year Plan said should be grown, thus people simply lied. They faked it. Ancient Greece faded from history because they executed philosophers who spoke up for the truth when it was politically incorrect. Ancient Rome became decadent and unable to defend itself because of its own internal system of ideological nepotism based on praising Rome, rather than acknowledging its problems and fixing them. Those who spotted problems were attacked in a “kill the messenger” fashion. The same is true here.

Brendan Eich was a messenger for our society. He dared to differ from the herd on a few crucial points, and for one of those, they attempted to destroy him. When this sort of behavior becomes the norm, you have a society that insists on programming itself toward conformity and ignoring serious warnings about its socially-correct but realistically-incorrect ideals. At that point, the only missing ingredient is time, as the nation waits for the Vandals to finally appear and enforce the reality principle with swords and fire.

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Remember: Do X! Don´t do Y!

Protect innocent, respect life, defend art, preserve creativity!

What´s Left? Antisemitism!

http://www.jsbielicki.com/jsb-79.htm

DJ Psycho Diver Sant – too small to fail
Tonttu Korvatunturilta Kuunsilta JSB
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They want 1984, we want 1776

They are on the run, we are on the march!

I think for food

molon labe

Dummheit ist, wenn jemand nicht weiß, was er wissen könnte.

Political correctness ist, wenn man aus Feigheit lügt, um Dumme nicht zu verärgern, die die Wahrheit nicht hören wollen.

“Im Streit um moralische Probleme, ist der Relativismus die erste Zuflucht der Schurken.“ Roger Scruton

Antisemitismus ist, wenn man Juden, Israel übelnimmt, was man anderen nicht übelnimmt.

Der Nicht-Antisemit ist ein Antisemit, der nach der derzeitigen deutschen Rechtsprechung, Israel, Juden diffamiert, diskriminiert, delegitimiert, jedoch nicht expressis verbis das Ziel der dritten Reichs, den Holocaust, die Judenvernichtung, befürwortet.

Islam ist weniger eine Religion und mehr eine totalitäre Gesellschaftsordnung, eine Ideologie, die absoluten Gehorsam verlangt und keinen Widerspruch, keinerlei Kritik duldet und das Denken und Erkenntnis verbietet. Der wahre Islam ist ganz anders, wer ihn findet wird eine hohe Belohnung erhalten.

Wahnsinn bedeute, immer wieder das gleiche zu tun, aber dabei stets ein anderes Resultat zu erwarten.

Gutmenschen sind Menschen, die gut erscheinen wollen, die gewissenlos das Gewissen anderer Menschen zu eigenen Zwecken mit Hilfe selbst inszenierter Empörungen instrumentalisieren.

Irritationen verhelfen zu weiteren Erkenntnissen, Selbstzufriedenheit führt zur Verblödung,

Wenn ein Affe denkt, „ich bin ein Affe“, dann ist es bereits ein Mensch.

Ein Mensch mit Wurzeln soll zur Pediküre gehen.

Wenn jemand etwas zu sagen hat, der kann es immer sehr einfach sagen. Wenn jemand nichts zu sagen hat, der sagt es dann sehr kompliziert.

Sucht ist, wenn jemand etwas macht, was er machen will und sucht jemand, der es macht, daß er es nicht macht und es nicht machen will.

Sollen die Klugen immer nachgeben, dann wird die Welt von Dummen regiert. Zu viel „Klugheit“ macht dumm.

Wenn man nur das Schlechte bekämpft, um das Leben zu schützen, bringt man gar nichts Gutes hervor und ein solches Leben ist dann nicht mehr lebenswert und braucht nicht beschützt zu werden, denn es ist dann durch ein solches totales Beschützen sowieso schon tot. Man kann so viel Geld für Versicherungen ausgeben, daß man gar nichts mehr zum Versichern hat. Mit Sicherheit ist es eben so.

Zufriedene Sklaven sind die schlimmsten Feinde der Freiheit.

Kreativität ist eine Intelligenz, die Spaß hat.

Wen die Arbeit krank macht, der soll kündigen!

Wenn Deutsche über Moral reden, meinen sie das Geld.

Ein Mensch ohne Erkenntnis ist dann  lediglich ein ängstlicher, aggressiver, unglücklicher Affe.

Denken ist immer grenzüberschreitend.

Der Mob, der sich das Volk nennt, diskutiert nicht, sondern diffamiert.

Legal ist nicht immer legitim.

Wer nicht verzichten kann, lebt unglücklich.

Sogenannte Sozial-, Kultur-, Geisteswissenschaften, Soziologie, Psychologie, Psychotherapie, Psychoanalyse, sind keine Wissenschaften mehr, sondern immanent religiöse Kultpropheten, organisiert wie Sekten.

Ohne eine starke Opposition atrophiert jede scheinbare Demokratie zur Tyrannei, und ebenso eine Wissenschaft, zur Gesinnung einer Sekte.

Man kann alles nur aus gewisser Distanz erkennen, wer sich ereifert, empört, wer mit seiner Nase an etwas klebt, der hat die Perspektive verloren, der erkennt nichts mehr, der hat nur noch seine Phantasie von der Welt im Kopf. So entsteht Paranoia, die sich Religion, und Religion als Politik, sogar als Wissenschaft nennt.

Islamisten sind eine Gefahr, deswegen werden sie als solche nicht gesehen. Juden sind keine Gefahr, deswegen werden sie als solche gesehen. So funktioniert die Wahrnehmung von  Feiglingen.

Humorlose Menschen könner nur fürchten oder hassen und werden Mönche oder Terroristen.

Menschen sind nicht gleich, jeder einzelne Mensch ist ein Unikat.

Erkenntnis gilt für alle, auch für Muslime, Albaner, Frauen und Homosexuelle.

Islam gehört zu Deutschland, Judentum gehört zu Israel.

Der Konsensterror (Totalitarismus) ist in Deutschland allgegenwärtig.

Es wird nicht mehr diskutiert, sondern nur noch diffamiert.

Es ist eine Kultur des Mobs. Wie es bereits gewesen ist.

Harmonie ist nur, wenn man nicht kommuniziert.

Man soll niemals mit jemand ins Bett gehen, der mehr Probleme hat, als man selbst.

>>Evelyn Waugh, sicherlich der witzigste Erzähler des vergangenen Jahrhunderts, im Zweiten Weltkrieg, herauskommend aus einem Bunker während einer deutschen Bombardierung Jugoslawiens, blickte zum Himmel, von dem es feindliche Bomben regnete und bemerkte: “Wie alles Deutsche, stark übertrieben.“<< Joseph Epstein

 

Man muß Mut haben, um witzig zu sein.

Dumm und blöd geht meistens zusammen.

Charlie Hebdo: solche Morde an Juden sind euch egal, mal sehen wie”angemessen”  ihr reagiert, wenn (wenn, nicht falls) eure Städte von Islamisten mit Kasam-Raketen beschossen werden.

Christopher Hitchens großartig: „In einer freien Gesellschaft hat niemand das Recht, nicht beleidigt zu werden.“

Je mehr sich jemand narzisstisch aufbläht, desto mehr fühlt er sich beleidigt und provoziert.

“Das Problem mit der Welt ist, daß die Dummen felsenfest überzeugt sind und die Klugen voller Zweifel.” – Bertrand Russel

Das Problem mit den Islamisten in Europa soll man genauso lösen, wie es Europa für den Nahen Osten verlangt: jeweils eine Zweistaatenlösung, die Hälfte für Muslime, die andere Hälfte für Nicht-Muslime, mit einer gemeinsamen Hauptstadt.

Was darf Satire? Alles! Nur nicht vom Dummkopf verstanden werden, weil es dann keine Satire war.

Islamimus ist Islam, der Gewalt predigt.

Islam ist eine Religion der Liebe,und wer es anzweifelt, ist tot.

Krieg ist Frieden. Freiheit ist Sklaverei. Unwissenheit ist Stärke. Der Islam ist die friedliche Religion der Liebe – George Orwell 2015

Islam ist verantwortlich für gar nichts, Juden sind schuld an allem.

Islamisten sind Satanisten. Islamismus ist eine Religion von Idioten.

Leute fühlen sich immer furchtbar beleidigt, wenn man ihre Lügen nicht glaubt.

Jeder ist selbst verantwortlich für seine Gefühle.

Die Psychoanalyse geht niemanden außer den Psychoanalytiker und seinen Patienten etwas an, und alle anderen sollen sich verpissen.

“Zeit ist das Echo einer Axt
im Wald. “
– Philip Larkin, Gesammelte Gedichte

Wenn jemand wie Islamisten sein Ego endlos aufbläht, dann verletzt er seine eigenen Gefühle schon morgens beim Scheißen.

„Die sieben Todsünden der modernen Gesellschaft: Reichtum ohne Arbeit, Genuß ohne Gewissen, Wissen ohne Charakter, Geschäft ohne Moral, Wissenschaft ohne Menschlichkeit, Religion ohne Opfer, Politik ohne Prinzipien.“
―Mahatma Gandhi

„Wo man nur die Wahl hat zwischen Feigheit und Gewalt, würde ich zur Gewalt raten.“
―Mahatma Gandhi

Warum zeigt sich Allah nicht? Weil er mit solchen Arschlöchern nichts zu tun haben will.

„Wenn der Faschismus wiederkehrt, wird er nicht sagen: ‚Ich bin der Faschismus’. Nein, er wird sagen: ‚Ich bin der Antifaschismus’.”  – Ignazio Silone

Politische Korrektheit verlangt eine Sprache für ein Poesiealbum.

Psychoanalyse ist frivol, oder es ist keine Psychoanalyse.

Bunte Vielfalt, früher: Scheiße

Was der Mensch nicht mehr verändern, nicht mehr reformieren kann, ist nicht mehr lebendig, sondern sehr tot. Was tot ist, das soll man, das muß man begraben: Religion, Ehe, Romantizismus, etc.

Romantik ist scheiße.

Die Realität ist immer stärker als Illusionen.

Ein Wahn zeichnet sich durch zunehmenden Realitätsverlust, und das kann man den heute Regierenden in Deutschland und deren Massenmedien attestieren.

Realitätsverlust beschreibt den geistigen Zustand einer Person, welche nicht (mehr) in der Lage ist, die Situation, in der sie sich befindet, zu begreifen. Ihr werdet also von Wahnsinnigen regiert und durch deren Massenmedien manipuliert.

Der Totalitarismus kann nur besiegt werden kann, wenn man den Mut hat, die Dinge beim richtigen Namen zu nennen, so wie sie sind. Politischen Korrektheit verhindert es, fördert den Totalitarismus und ist politische Feigheit und politische Lüge.

Die Auslöschung: Islam ist wie die Sonne, wer ihm zu nahe kommt, der verbrennt darin selbst und fackelt den Rest der Welt mit ab.

Islam will keine Unterwerfung! Islam will Sieg, Vernichtung und Auslöschung.

Die Welt wurde nicht nur für dich alleine erschaffen.

Zeit braucht Zeit.

Was hat Gott mit uns vor, wenn er dem Teufel immer mehr Territorien freiräumt?

Es ist nicht die größte Angst, wenn man in einen Abgrund schaut, sondern zu merken, daß der Abgrund zurückschaut.

Ich ist anders.

Muslima mit Kopftuch nerven weniger, als deutsche Mütter mit ihren Kinderwagen.

Prothesen-Menschen – sehen aus wie Frau und Mann, sind aber keine.

Global Governance – der politische Reparaturbetrieb, fängt an zu reparieren, bevor etwas entstanden ist.

Das extrem gesteigerte, angeblich kritische, tatsächlich dämonisierende, Interesse der Deutschen an Israel und Juden ist pervers.

Helden von heute wissen nichts, können nichts und wollen nichts. Sie schauen einfach wie Helden aus, das ist alles.

Mag sein, daß früher Väter ihre Kinder gefressen haben. Heute fressen die Mütter alles, Väter, Kinder und den Rest.  Alles Mutti, irgendwie!

Deutschland gestern: der Wille zur Macht.
Deutschland heute: der Wille zur Verblendung.
Deutschland morgen: 德國

Deutsche Psychoanalyse? Großartig, wie deutscher Charme, deutscher Humor und deutscher Esprit.

Der Widerstand fängt mit einer eigenen, anderen Sprache als die der Diktatur.

Smart phones for stupid people.

Ein Linker kann, muß aber nicht dumm sein.

Wenn man ganzen Staaten nicht übel nimmt, wenn sie mit Millionen Opfern Selbstmord begehen, warum dann einem Co-Piloten mit 149 Toten?

Nur die Reinheit der Mittel heiligt den Zweck.

Ein extremer Narzißt ist ein potentieller Terrorist, und jeder Terrorist ist ein extremer Narzißt.

Islamisierung bedeutet Verblödung.

Copy-shop als psychoanalytische Methode heute.

 

Die Psychoanalyse heute ist lediglich die Nachahmung einer vermeintlichen Psychoanalyse, die es so nie gegeben hat, also unbewußte Karikatur, Totemmaske ihrer selbst.

 

Die Revolution frißt ihre Väter, nicht ihre Kinder.

 

Jeder verdient eine zweite Chance. Eine zweite, nicht eine zwölfte, zweiundzwanzigste oder einhundertzweite.

 

In Polen haben amerikanische Geheimdienstler ihre Gefangenen gefoltert, während vor polnischen Gerichten Prozesse gegen polnische Geheimdienstler liefen, die Gefangene gefoltert haben.

 

Besser irgendwelche Sitten, als gar keine Sitten.

 

Reale Gewalt gegen strukturelle Gewalt – lediglich eine Rationalisierung der eigenen Lust als Rechtfertigung für eigene wilde, triebhaften Gewalt.

 

National Sozialistische Deutsche Arbeiter Partei (NSDAP) war links,, ihr Kampf gegen Kommunisten und Sozialisten war nicht ideologisch, sondern es war ein Konkurrenzkampf unter Gleichen.

 

Der Mensch – ein Kopierfehler.

Das Leben ist kein Mittel zu irgendeinem Zweck. Der Mensch soll keinen Nutzen für jemanden haben, sonst ist er kein Mensch mehr, nicht mal ein Rindvieh, sondern eine Art Frikadelle.

 

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Stupidity is demonstrated by people lacking the knowledge they could achieve

Political correctness can be defined as the telling of a lie out of the cowardice in an attempt to avoid upsetting fools not willing to face up to the truth

“In arguments about moral problems, relativism is the first refuge of the scoundrel.” Roger Scruton

Antisemitism is when one blames the Jews or Israel for issues, he does not blame others

Islam is less a religion and more a totalitarian society, an ideology that demands absolute obedience and tolerates no dissent, no criticism, and prohibits the thinking, knowledge and recognition. True Islam is totally different, the one who will find it will receive a very high reward.

Craziness is, when one always does the same but expects a different outcome

If a monkey thinks “I am a monkey”, then it is already a human

A man with roots should go for a pedicure

Self smugness leads to idiocy, being pissed off leads to enlightenment

If someone has something to say, he can tell it always very easily. If someone has nothing to say, he says it in a very complicated way

Addiction is, when somebody does something he wants to do, yet seeks someone who can make it so he won’t do it and doesn’t want to, either.

If the clever people always gave in, the world would be reigned by idiots. Too much “cleverness” makes you stupid.

If one only fights evil to protect life, one produces nothing good at all and such a life then becomes no longer worth living and thus requires no protection, for it is already unlived due to such a total protection. One can spend so much money on insurance, that one has nothing left to insure. Safety works in the same way.

Happy slaves are the worst enemies of freedom.

Creativity is an intelligence having fun.

If working makes you sick, fuck off, leave the work!

If Germans talk about morality, they mean money.

A man without an insight is just an anxious, aggressive, unhappy monkey.

Thinking is always trespassing.

The mob, who calls himself the people, does not discuss, just defames.

Legal is not always legitimate.

Who can not do without, lives unhappy.

So called social, culture sciences, sociology, psychology psychotherapy, psychoanalysis, are not anymore scientific, but immanent religious cult-prophets, organized as sects.

Without a strong opposition any apparent democracy atrophies to a tyranny, and as well a science , to an attitude of a religious sect.

You can recognize everything from a certain distance only, who is zealous, outraged, who sticks his nose in something, this one has lost the perspective, he recognizes anything more, he has only his imagination of the world in his head. This creates paranoia, which is called religion, and a religion as politics, even as a science.

Islamists are a real danger, therefore they will not be seen as such. Jews are not a danger, therefore they are seen as such. It is how the perception by cowards functions.

People without a sense of humor are able only to fear or to hate and become monks or terrorists.

People are not equal, each single person is unique.

Insight applies to everyone, including Muslims, Albanians, women and homosexuals.

Islam belongs to Germany, Judaism belongs to Israel.

The totalitarian Terror of consensus is ubiquitous in Germany.
There are no discussions anymore, but defamations only.
It is a culture of the mob. As it has already been.
Harmony is only if you do not communicate.

One should never go to bed with someone who has more problems than you already have.

>>Evelyn Waugh, surely the wittiest novelist of the past century, in World War II, coming out of a bunker during a German bombing of Yugoslavia, looked up at the sky raining enemy bombs and remarked, “Like everything German, vastly overdone.”<< Joseph Epstein

One has to be brave, to have a wit.

Stupid and dull belong mostly together.

Charlie Hebdo: you don´t care if such murders are comitted to Jews, we will see how “adequate” you will react when (when, not if), Islamists will begin to bombard your cities with Kasam missiles.

Christopher Hitchens: “In a free society, no one has the right not to be offended.“

The more someone narcissistic inflates , the more he feels insulted and provoked.

“The trouble with the world is that the stupid are cocksure and the intelligent are full of doubt.” – Bertrand Russell

The problem with the Islamists in Europe should be solved exactly as Europe requires to the Middle East: a two-state solution, a half for muslims and the another half for not-muslims, with a common capital.

What may satire? Everything! Except be understood by the fool, because then it was not a satire.

Islamimus is Islam preaching violence.

Islam is a religion of love, and he who doubts is dead.

War is peace. Freedom is slavery. Ignorance is strength. Islam is a peaceful religion of love – George Orwell 2015

Islam is not responsible for anything, Jews are guilty of everything.

Islamists are satanists. Islamism is a religion of idiots.

People feel always terrible offended if you do not believe their lies.

 

Everyone is responsible for his feelings.

 

Psychoanalysis is nobody’s business except the psychoanalyst and his patient, and everybody else can fuck off.

 

“Time is the echo of an axe
Within a wood.”
― Philip Larkin, Collected Poems

If someone inflates endless his ego, as Islamists do, then he hurts his own feelings already in his morning own shit.

“The seven deadly sins of modern society: wealth without work, pleasure without conscience, knowledge without character, business without morality, science without humanity, worship without sacrifice, politics without principles”
-Mahatma Gandhi

“Where there is only a choice between cowardice and violence, I would advise to choose the violence.”
-Mahatma Gandhi

 Why Allah does not shows himself? Because he does not want  to do anything with such assholes.

 

“When fascism returns, he will not say, ‘I am the fascism‘. No, he will say, ‘I am the anti-fascism “– Ignazio Silone.

 

Political correctness requires a language for a poetry album.

 

Psychoanalysis is frivolous, or it is not psychoanalysis.

Colorful diversity, earlier: shit.

 

What can not any longer be changed, can not any longer be reformed, it is no longer alive, but very dead (instead). What is dead should be, has to be buried: religion, marriage, Romanticism, etc.

 

Romantic sucks.

 

 The reality is always stronger than illusions.

 

 A delusion is characterized by increasing loss of reality, and can be attested to today’s leaders in Germany and the mass media.Loss of reality describes the mental state of a person who is not (any longer) be able to understand the situation in which it is located. So you are ruled by madmen and manipulated by the mass media.

 

Totalitarianism can only be defeated if one has the courage to call things by their right names, just as they are. Political correctness prevents it, promotes totalitarianism and political cowardice and political lie.

 

The Extinction: Islam is like the sun, who comes too close to him, will burn itself and will flare the rest of the world with him.

 

Islam does not want any submission! Islam wants victory, destruction and annihilation.

 

The world was not created just for you only.

 

Time needs time.

 

What has God with us when he freely admits the devil more and more territories?

 

It’s not the biggest fear when you look into an abyss, but to note that the abyss looks back at you.

 

I is different.

 

Muslim´s headscarf is less annoying than German mothers with their pushchairs.

 

Prostheses people – look like women and men, but they are not.

 

Global governance – the political repair operation begins to repair before something was created.

 

The extremely increased, ostensibly critical, actually demonizing, German interest in Israel and Jews is perverse.

 

The Non–anti-Semite is by the current German law an anti-Semite who defames, discriminates, delegitimizes Israel, Jews, , but do not supports expressis verbis the aim of the Third Reich, the Holocaust, the extermination of the Jews.

Heroes of today know nothing, can not and do not want anything. They just look like heroes, that’s all.

It may be that early fathers ate their children. Today, the mothers will eat anything, fathers, children and the rest. Everything Mommy, anyway!

Germany yesterday: the will to power.
Germany today: the will to blindness.
Germany tomorrow:
德國

German psychoanalysis? Great, like German charm, German humor and German wit.

The resistance starts with its own language other than that of the dictatorship.

Smart phones for stupid people.

A leftist can, but do not have to be stupid.

If you do not blame states, when they commit suicide with millions victims , so why to blame a co-pilot with 149 dead?

Only the purity of the means justify the end.

An extreme narcissist is a potential terrorist, and every terrorist is an extreme narcissist.

 

Islamization means dementia.

 

Copy-shop as a psychoanalytic method today.

 

Psychoanalysis today is merely an imitation of a putative psychoanalysis, it has never existed, an unconscious cartoon, totem mask of itself.

 

The revolution devours its fathers, not its children.


Everyone deserves a second chance. A second, not a twelfth, twenty-second or one hundred second.


In Poland, American intelligence officials  have tortured their prisoners, while the Polish courts ran trials of Polish intelligence officers who tortured prisoners.


Better have any manners, than no manners at all.

 

Realistic violence against structural violence – only a rationalization of their own desire as justification for their own wild, instinctual violence.

 

National Socialists German Worker Party (NSDAP) was left, its fight against communists and socialists was not ideological, but it was a competition among equals.

 

 The man – a copy error.

 

Life is not a mean for any purpose. If a  man has a benefit for someone else, he is no longer a man, not even an ass, but a kind of meatball.

Don’t Send Your Kid to the Ivy League The nation’s top colleges are turning our kids into zombies

Dull_and_Boring

Trashing the Ivies

Commentary Magazine, 01.01.15 | by Amy L. Wax

Like the high achieving students who are its centerpiece, Excellent Sheep* is nothing if not ambitious. In the book’s opening chapters, William Deresiewicz, a writer and former English professor at Yale, derides virtually every aspect of the country’s most prestigious colleges. In the next hundred pages, the author serves up his own ideal vision of a liberal education. And in a closing section ominously entitled “Society,” he critiques our nation as a whole.

Deresiewicz’s deplores the endless admissions hoops Ivy League students jump through, the subjects they choose to study, the activities that fill their time, and the jobs they pursue upon graduation. These students, claims the author, are status-seeking, prestige-obsessed, unimaginative, incurious, passionless, cautious, conformist automata. Although hard-working and energetic, they have little interest in questioning cherished assumptions, acquiring real knowledge, and embracing high ideals. They seek neither personal inspiration nor social improvement but a safe berth. Above all, the Ivy League fails at the central mission of liberal higher education, which the author claims is “soul craft”—the search for the authentic self, the discerning of true passions, and the discovery of a worthy, meaningful life. According to Deresiewicz, our universities exist to serve this grand quest, but in shaping generations of “excellent sheep,” they have decisively let us down.

Like Saul Steinberg’s famous map of the nation drawn from the Manhattan resident’s view, this bold indictment of higher education looks out from the rarified precincts that constitute the author’s world and inform his perspective. At once grandiose and narrow, Excellent Sheep: The Miseducation of the American Elite and the Way to a Meaningful Life is strewn with unexamined assumptions, parochial preoccupations, half-baked observations, and unsupported claims. While Deresiewicz enshrines “soul craft” as higher education’s goal, the experience of reading his book points toward a humbler but no less exacting objective: to learn how to recognize humbug. Intended to offer a theory of what a sound liberal education is supposed to achieve, this book serves as an example of what it should inoculate us against.

How does Deresiewicz arrive at his unrelentingly gloomy portrait of Ivy League life? He relies mainly on his own haphazard impressions, quips from teachers and administrators, and disgruntled banter from random students. He also trots out a few grasped straws of objective evidence, including Ivy students’ tendency to reject majors in the humanities and their surging preference for work in consulting and finance. As a basis for the author’s indictment, none of this would pass muster in a third-rate social-science department. Deresiewicz touts the importance of intellectual integrity and a probing mind, but he himself displays neither one.

That he exhibits many of the shortcomings he deplores should not surprise us. His ideal of a liberal education is based on what David Brooks calls “expressive individualism.” According to this paradigm, higher education must be judged by how well it serves the personal bildungsroman. Knowledge and critical thinking are not ends in themselves, but rather facilitators of navel gazing. Aided by the faddish offerings in the typical course catalog, students should pursue their passions and draw their own conclusions, untrammeled by received wisdom. Authority and tradition are the enemies of self-discovery, impeding the journey to the true and authentic self.

The author’s exposition of his soul-craft ideal abounds with muzzy platitudes and flowery banalities, emblematic of the jargon beloved of college educrats everywhere. Although the author never spells out where the quest for self-knowledge should lead, it is not hard to discern where it should not. A 1960s ethos, proudly bohemian and relentlessly progressive, suffuses the book. It is a safe bet that Deresiewicz’s version of the good life does not include standing athwart history yelling “stop,” working to defend age-old wisdom, or supporting the existing order.

In large measure, Deresiewicz’s gauge of worthiness rests on whether someone would make an amusing dinner-party companion. He makes no secret of his preference for the cool, creative, and countercultural. His heroes are refuseniks, crusaders, and grand reformers. For Deresiewicz, the well-worn path is never worth taking and the pursuit of money, status, power, or security is proof of shallowness and inauthenticity. The mainstream professions and businesses are suspect not only for being lucrative but also for being dull. Finance and consulting—the go-to choices of a large number of Ivy Leaguers—come in for special contempt because, well, everyone’s doing it. (Deresiewicz shows not the slightest interest in what people in these fields actually do.)

The author’s hostility toward the establishment comes through in many throwaway observations. He praises the small liberal-arts college Lawrence University for sending only a handful of its graduating students to law school. It’s not that becoming a lawyer is bad, exactly, but that it just doesn’t qualify as a legitimate “goal.” In what might be the book’s most obtuse passage, he disparages Asian and Latino students’ pursuit of financial or medical careers as “just another way of keeping those communities down.” One can only surmise that group advancement and upward mobility are, by definition, antithetical to personal self-realization. Teach for America gets slapped down as an elite résumé-builder that condescends to the lower orders. And Deresiewicz warns students that parents are the enemies of soul craft. Their priorities are oppressive, and their advice poison. He claims that top Ivy colleges are filled with too many rich students because the SAT “measures parental income,” not aptitude. Correlation, however, is not causation, and this well-worn knock on the SAT is simply false.

Occasional good sense does turn up. Deresiewicz recommends working in local governments, as opposed to heading straight to Washington or to trendy nonprofits. He urges Ivy graduates to forsake the coasts for heartland cities such as Dayton, Ohio. But, for the most part, the future can wait and prolonged adolescence is de rigueur. Go out and implode the present order, and don’t worry about how to pay for it. As for marriage, if the word appeared once in this book, I missed it. Soul craft apparently does not include finding a soul mate. Traditional family life would only interfere with the open-ended journey of self-discovery.

Deresiewicz

The book’s final chapters border on the ridiculous. According to Deresiewicz, the country is infused with corruption and greed, and the Ivies are to blame. Yale, Harvard, and Princeton, he maintains, are driving American economic inequality. That rich, mediocre students have better odds of attending elite schools than their qualified low-income peers is central to his understanding of our national dysfunction. But Deresiewicz never mentions that the absolute number of such highly qualified, underplaced students is actually small, suggesting that other initiatives like rebuilding the family or expanding vocational options would do more good than jiggering college admissions.

Excellent Sheep has hit a nerve. In July, Deresiewicz’s New Republic essay (drawn from the book) warning parents and students away from the Ivy League garnered a record number of online readers. His speaking tour of elite colleges drew legions of worried students. Why so much attention to this jeremiad? First, the Ivy League is a source of obsession and an easy target. These institutions are supposed to educate a leadership class, but that class seems to be failing us. Our economy is in the doldrums, our foreign policy adrift, and our lives increasingly polarized by class and race. The consensus on the worthy life has fractured, and the verities of family, faith, and self-reliance, once taken for granted, have been under lengthy attack. The best and brightest can no longer look to a cohesive set of precepts for their own conduct, let alone for leading society. The growing economic volatility of American life—an important but risky source of our dynamism—means that the country’s winners are riding a bucking bronco, unsure whether they will continue to enjoy their success, let alone whether they can secure success for others.

It is therefore not surprising that our most accomplished graduates are anxious and uncertain. This uncertainty highlights Deresiewicz’s greatest sin, that of omission. The most damaging corruption of higher education today is not mentioned in his book: the smothering weight of extreme, left-leaning political correctness that bears down on nearly every campus. Especially in the humanities, but increasingly in the sciences and social sciences, an obsession with race, class, gender, sexuality, identity, and multiculturalism holds sway, crowding out other priorities and stifling alternative opinions. Anyone who doubts this should try pointing to inconvenient facts during a lecture or challenging academia’s cherished items of faith. Although tenured professors might dare, undergraduates risk ostracism or official sanction. The message is clear: Build your soul, but watch your mouth and steer clear of sacred cows.

Students are exposed only to a narrow range of positions on important public issues. Too many leave with utopian beliefs that ill equip them for reality. In the grip of a catechism dictating that discrimination is the root of all evil, bad behavior is society’s fault, bureaucracy is your friend, government spending solves problems, and social engineering works, our leading graduates cannot help but experience moral vertigo once they leave the Ivy bubble. And the prevailing creed of non-judgmentalism—except toward the ultimate sin of discrimination—doesn’t help. Ivy graduates are hard-pressed to acknowledge, let alone address, the personal and policy choices that actually stymie efforts to elevate the less privileged. The resulting frustration yields a hypocritical inward turn. Elites wall themselves off in ritzy zip codes while continuing to mouth progressive pieties about social justice and change.

As for alternatives to the Ivies, Deresiewicz’s praise for small liberal-arts colleges is based on trifling distinctions that don’t withstand analysis. Apart from offering no relief from political correctness, these schools mostly draw students from the same narrow, well-heeled socioeconomic sector that dominates the Ivy League. Although students might choose a school such as Oberlin or Kenyon out of a desire for greater individual attention or better teaching (despite no reliable evidence they will get it), plenty land at these schools because they didn’t get into Harvard or Yale. Small colleges may attract more contemplative brooders, as opposed to the hyper-energetic, ultra-high-IQ résumé-stuffers found in the Ivies, but so what? Which students are more likely to achieve greatness or do what really matters? In light of the multiple demands of modern life, the overloaded denizens of Princeton and Yale might have the edge.

Deresiewicz’s relative enthusiasm for big state universities is similarly unfounded. While less insular and more diverse than the Ivies, these schools teem with students whose intellectual indifference perfectly matches the unbearable lightness of the academic programs they’re offered. As Elizabeth A. Armstrong and Laura T. Hamilton document in Paying for the Party: How College Maintains Inequality, the bacchanalian, sports-obsessed, anti-intellectual atmosphere of large state schools is hardly conducive to soul craft.

Excellent Sheep has also attracted outsized interest because college admissions have evolved into a high-pressure, high-stakes rat race. As a mother who has thrice run this gauntlet, I can attest to the need for a thoughtful analysis of how we arrived at this fraught status quo. Unfortunately, this book doesn’t provide it.

Excellent Sheep could benefit from a broader perspective on the elite students it so roundly indicts. Deresiewicz disparages Ivy students for making all the wrong choices, but as Charles Murray documents in his masterful Coming Apart, their lives appear to be going mostly right, and not just because of their superior earning power. Graduates of four-year colleges, and especially elite schools, are far more likely to be married, employed, churched, and law-abiding than the rest of the population. Men with college degrees tend to live with their children, and educated parents are investing more time in family life even as they have highly demanding jobs. Deresiewicz’s excellent sheep are prospering greatly in their mostly straight-laced lives.

About the Author

Amy L. Wax is the Robert Mundheim Professor of Law at the University of Pennsylvania Law School.

http://www.commentarymagazine.com/article/trashing-the-ivies/

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inequality

New Republic, July 21, 2014
Don’t Send Your Kid to the Ivy League The nation’s top colleges are turning our kids into zombies
By William Deresiewicz

In the spring of 2008, I did a daylong stint on the Yale admissions committee. We—that is, three admissions staff, a member of the college dean’s office, and me, the faculty representative—were going through submissions from eastern Pennsylvania. The applicants had been assigned a score from one to four, calculated from a string of figures and codes—SATs, GPA, class rank, numerical scores to which the letters of recommendation had been converted, special notations for legacies and diversity cases. The ones had already been admitted, and the threes and fours could get in only under special conditions—if they were a nationally ranked athlete, for instance, or a “DevA,” (an applicant in the highest category of “development” cases, which means a child of very rich donors). Our task for the day was to adjudicate among the twos. Huge bowls of junk food were stationed at the side of the room to keep our energy up.

The junior officer in charge, a young man who looked to be about 30, presented each case, rat-a-tat-tat, in a blizzard of admissions jargon that I had to pick up on the fly. “Good rig”: the transcript exhibits a good degree of academic rigor. “Ed level 1”: parents have an educational level no higher than high school, indicating a genuine hardship case. “MUSD”: a musician in the highest category of promise. Kids who had five or six items on their list of extracurriculars—the “brag”—were already in trouble, because that wasn’t nearly enough. We listened, asked questions, dove into a letter or two, then voted up or down.

With so many accomplished applicants to choose from, we were looking for kids with something special, “PQs”—personal qualities—that were often revealed by the letters or essays. Kids who only had the numbers and the résumé were usually rejected: “no spark,” “not a team-builder,” “this is pretty much in the middle of the fairway for us.” One young person, who had piled up a truly insane quantity of extracurriculars and who submitted nine letters of recommendation, was felt to be “too intense.” On the other hand, the numbers and the résumé were clearly indispensable. I’d been told that successful applicants could either be “well-rounded” or “pointy”—outstanding in one particular way—but if they were pointy, they had to be really pointy: a musician whose audition tape had impressed the music department, a scientist who had won a national award.

“Super People,” the writer James Atlas has called them—the stereotypical ultra-high-achieving elite college students of today. A double major, a sport, a musical instrument, a couple of foreign languages, service work in distant corners of the globe, a few hobbies thrown in for good measure: They have mastered them all, and with a serene self-assurance that leaves adults and peers alike in awe. A friend who teaches at a top university once asked her class to memorize 30 lines of the eighteenth-century poet Alexander Pope. Nearly every single kid got every single line correct. It was a thing of wonder, she said, like watching thoroughbreds circle a track.

These enviable youngsters appear to be the winners in the race we have made of childhood. But the reality is very different, as I have witnessed in many of my own students and heard from the hundreds of young people whom I have spoken with on campuses or who have written to me over the last few years. Our system of elite education manufactures young people who are smart and talented and driven, yes, but also anxious, timid, and lost, with little intellectual curiosity and a stunted sense of purpose: trapped in a bubble of privilege, heading meekly in the same direction, great at what they’re doing but with no idea why they’re doing it.

When I speak of elite education, I mean prestigious institutions like Harvard or Stanford or Williams as well as the larger universe of second-tier selective schools, but I also mean everything that leads up to and away from them—the private and affluent public high schools; the ever-growing industry of tutors and consultants and test-prep courses; the admissions process itself, squatting like a dragon at the entrance to adulthood; the brand-name graduate schools and employment opportunities that come after the B.A.; and the parents and communities, largely upper-middle class, who push their children into the maw of this machine. In short, our entire system of elite education.

I should say that this subject is very personal for me. Like so many kids today, I went off to college like a sleepwalker. You chose the most prestigious place that let you in; up ahead were vaguely understood objectives: status, wealth—“success.” What it meant to actually get an education and why you might want one—all this was off the table. It was only after 24 years in the Ivy League—college and a Ph.D. at Columbia, ten years on the faculty at Yale—that I started to think about what this system does to kids and how they can escape from it, what it does to our society and how we can dismantle it.

A young woman from another school wrote me this about her boyfriend at Yale:

Before he started college, he spent most of his time reading and writing short stories. Three years later, he’s painfully insecure, worrying about things my public-educated friends don’t give a second thought to, like the stigma of eating lunch alone and whether he’s “networking” enough. No one but me knows he fakes being well-read by thumbing through the first and last chapters of any book he hears about and obsessively devouring reviews in lieu of the real thing. He does this not because he’s incurious, but because there’s a bigger social reward for being able to talk about books than for actually reading them.

I taught many wonderful young people during my years in the Ivy League—bright, thoughtful, creative kids whom it was a pleasure to talk with and learn from. But most of them seemed content to color within the lines that their education had marked out for them. Very few were passionate about ideas. Very few saw college as part of a larger project of intellectual discovery and development. Everyone dressed as if they were ready to be interviewed at a moment’s notice.

Look beneath the façade of seamless well-adjustment, and what you often find are toxic levels of fear, anxiety, and depression, of emptiness and aimlessness and isolation. A large-scale survey of college freshmen recently found that self-reports of emotional well-being have fallen to their lowest level in the study’s 25-year history.

So extreme are the admission standards now that kids who manage to get into elite colleges have, by definition, never experienced anything but success. The prospect of not being successful terrifies them, disorients them. The cost of falling short, even temporarily, becomes not merely practical, but existential. The result is a violent aversion to risk. You have no margin for error, so you avoid the possibility that you will ever make an error. Once, a student at Pomona told me that she’d love to have a chance to think about the things she’s studying, only she doesn’t have the time. I asked her if she had ever considered not trying to get an A in every class. She looked at me as if I had made an indecent suggestion.

There are exceptions, kids who insist, against all odds, on trying to get a real education. But their experience tends to make them feel like freaks. One student told me that a friend of hers had left Yale because she found the school “stifling to the parts of yourself that you’d call a soul.”

“Return on investment”: that’s the phrase you often hear today when people talk about college. What no one seems to ask is what the “return” is supposed to be. Is it just about earning more money? Is the only purpose of an education to enable you to get a job? What, in short, is college for?

The first thing that college is for is to teach you to think. That doesn’t simply mean developing the mental skills particular to individual disciplines. College is an opportunity to stand outside the world for a few years, between the orthodoxy of your family and the exigencies of career, and contemplate things from a distance.

Learning how to think is only the beginning, though. There’s something in particular you need to think about: building a self. The notion may sound strange. “We’ve taught them,” David Foster Wallace once said, “that a self is something you just have.” But it is only through the act of establishing communication between the mind and the heart, the mind and experience, that you become an individual, a unique being—a soul. The job of college is to assist you to begin to do that. Books, ideas, works of art and thought, the pressure of the minds around you that are looking for their own answers in their own ways.

College is not the only chance to learn to think, but it is the best. One thing is certain: If you haven’t started by the time you finish your B.A., there’s little likelihood you’ll do it later. That is why an undergraduate experience devoted exclusively to career preparation is four years largely wasted.

Elite schools like to boast that they teach their students how to think, but all they mean is that they train them in the analytic and rhetorical skills that are necessary for success in business and the professions. Everything is technocratic—the development of expertise—and everything is ultimately justified in technocratic terms.

Religious colleges—even obscure, regional schools that no one has ever heard of on the coasts—often do a much better job in that respect. What an indictment of the Ivy League and its peers: that colleges four levels down on the academic totem pole, enrolling students whose SAT scores are hundreds of points lower than theirs, deliver a better education, in the highest sense of the word.

At least the classes at elite schools are academically rigorous, demanding on their own terms, no? Not necessarily. In the sciences, usually; in other disciplines, not so much. There are exceptions, of course, but professors and students have largely entered into what one observer called a “nonaggression pact.” Students are regarded by the institution as “customers,” people to be pandered to instead of challenged. Professors are rewarded for research, so they want to spend as little time on their classes as they can. The profession’s whole incentive structure is biased against teaching, and the more prestigious the school, the stronger the bias is likely to be. The result is higher marks for shoddier work.

It is true that today’s young people appear to be more socially engaged than kids have been for several decades and that they are more apt to harbor creative or entrepreneurial impulses. But it is also true, at least at the most selective schools, that even if those aspirations make it out of college—a big “if”—they tend to be played out within the same narrow conception of what constitutes a valid life: affluence, credentials, prestige.

Experience itself has been reduced to instrumental function, via the college essay. From learning to commodify your experiences for the application, the next step has been to seek out experiences in order to have them to commodify. The New York Times reports that there is now a thriving sector devoted to producing essay-ready summers, but what strikes one is the superficiality of the activities involved: a month traveling around Italy studying the Renaissance, “a whole day” with a band of renegade artists. A whole day!

I’ve noticed something similar when it comes to service. Why is it that people feel the need to go to places like Guatemala to do their projects of rescue or documentation, instead of Milwaukee or Arkansas? When students do stay in the States, why is it that so many head for New Orleans? Perhaps it’s no surprise, when kids are trained to think of service as something they are ultimately doing for themselves—that is, for their résumés. “Do well by doing good,” goes the slogan. How about just doing good?

If there is one idea, above all, through which the concept of social responsibility is communicated at the most prestigious schools, it is “leadership.” “Harvard is for leaders,” goes the Cambridge cliché. To be a high-achieving student is to constantly be urged to think of yourself as a future leader of society. But what these institutions mean by leadership is nothing more than getting to the top. Making partner at a major law firm or becoming a chief executive, climbing the greasy pole of whatever hierarchy you decide to attach yourself to. I don’t think it occurs to the people in charge of elite colleges that the concept of leadership ought to have a higher meaning, or, really, any meaning.

The irony is that elite students are told that they can be whatever they want, but most of them end up choosing to be one of a few very similar things. As of 2010, about a third of graduates went into financing or consulting at a number of top schools, including Harvard, Princeton, and Cornell. Whole fields have disappeared from view: the clergy, the military, electoral politics, even academia itself, for the most part, including basic science. It’s considered glamorous to drop out of a selective college if you want to become the next Mark Zuckerberg, but ludicrous to stay in to become a social worker. “What Wall Street figured out,” as Ezra Klein has put it, “is that colleges are producing a large number of very smart, completely confused graduates. Kids who have ample mental horsepower, an incredible work ethic and no idea what to do next.”

For the most selective colleges, this system is working very well indeed. Application numbers continue to swell, endowments are robust, tuition hikes bring ritual complaints but no decline in business. Whether it is working for anyone else is a different question.

It almost feels ridiculous to have to insist that colleges like Harvard are bastions of privilege, where the rich send their children to learn to walk, talk, and think like the rich. Don’t we already know this? They aren’t called elite colleges for nothing. But apparently we like pretending otherwise. We live in a meritocracy, after all.

The sign of the system’s alleged fairness is the set of policies that travel under the banner of “diversity.” And that diversity does indeed represent nothing less than a social revolution. Princeton, which didn’t even admit its first woman graduatestudent until 1961—a year in which a grand total of one (no doubt very lonely) African American matriculated at its college—is now half female and only about half white. But diversity of sex and race has become a cover for increasing economic resegregation. Elite colleges are still living off the moral capital they earned in the 1960s, when they took the genuinely courageous step of dismantling the mechanisms of the WASP aristocracy.

The truth is that the meritocracy was never more than partial. Visit any elite campus across our great nation, and you can thrill to the heart-warming spectacle of the children of white businesspeople and professionals studying and playing alongside the children of black, Asian, and Latino businesspeople and professionals. Kids at schools like Stanford think that their environment is diverse if one comes from Missouri and another from Pakistan, or if one plays the cello and the other lacrosse. Never mind that all of their parents are doctors or bankers.

That doesn’t mean there aren’t a few exceptions, but that is all they are. In fact, the group that is most disadvantaged by our current admissions policies are working-class and rural whites, who are hardly present on selective campuses at all. The only way to think these places are diverse is if that’s all you’ve ever seen.

Let’s not kid ourselves: The college admissions game is not primarily about the lower and middle classes seeking to rise, or even about the upper-middle class attempting to maintain its position. It is about determining the exact hierarchy of status within the upper-middle class itself. In the affluent suburbs and well-heeled urban enclaves where this game is principally played, it is not about whether you go to an elite school. It’s about which one you go to. It is Penn versus Tufts, not Penn versus Penn State. It doesn’t matter that a bright young person can go to Ohio State, become a doctor, settle in Dayton, and make a very good living. Such an outcome is simply too horrible to contemplate.

This system is exacerbating inequality, retarding social mobility, perpetuating privilege, and creating an elite that is isolated from the society that it’s supposed to lead. The numbers are undeniable. In 1985, 46 percent of incoming freshmen at the 250 most selective colleges came from the top quarter of the income distribution. By 2000, it was 55 percent. As of 2006, only about 15 percent of students at the most competitive schools came from the bottom half. The more prestigious the school, the more unequal its student body is apt to be. And public institutions are not much better than private ones. As of 2004, 40 percent of first-year students at the most selective state campuses came from families with incomes of more than $100,000, up from 32 percent just five years earlier.

The major reason for the trend is clear. Not increasing tuition, though that is a factor, but the ever-growing cost of manufacturing children who are fit to compete in the college admissions game. The more hurdles there are, the more expensive it is to catapult your kid across them. Wealthy families start buying their children’s way into elite colleges almost from the moment they are born: music lessons, sports equipment, foreign travel (“enrichment” programs, to use the all-too-perfect term)—most important, of course, private-school tuition or the costs of living in a place with top-tier public schools. The SAT is supposed to measure aptitude, but what it actually measures is parental income, which it tracks quite closely. Today, fewer than half of high-scoring students from low-income families even enroll at four-year schools.

The problem isn’t that there aren’t more qualified lower-income kids from which to choose. Elite private colleges will never allow their students’ economic profile to mirror that of society as a whole. They can’t afford to—they need a critical mass of full payers and they need to tend to their donor base—and it’s not even clear that they’d want to.

And so it is hardly a coincidence that income inequality is higher than it has been since before the Great Depression, or that social mobility is lower in the United States than in almost every other developed country. Elite colleges are not just powerless to reverse the movement toward a more unequal society; their policies actively promote it.

Is there anything that I can do, a lot of young people have written to ask me, to avoid becoming an out-of-touch, entitled little shit? I don’t have a satisfying answer, short of telling them to transfer to a public university. You cannot cogitate your way to sympathy with people of different backgrounds, still less to knowledge of them. You need to interact with them directly, and it has to be on an equal footing: not in the context of “service,” and not in the spirit of “making an effort,” either—swooping down on a member of the college support staff and offering to “buy them a coffee,” as a former Yalie once suggested, in order to “ask them about themselves.”

Instead of service, how about service work? That’ll really give you insight into other people. How about waiting tables so that you can see how hard it is, physically and mentally? You really aren’t as smart as everyone has been telling you; you’re only smarter in a certain way. There are smart people who do not go to a prestigious college, or to any college—often precisely for reasons of class. There are smart people who are not “smart.”

I am under no illusion that it doesn’t matter where you go to college. But there are options. There are still very good public universities in every region of the country. The education is often impersonal, but the student body is usually genuinely diverse in terms of socioeconomic background, with all of the invaluable experiential learning that implies.

U.S. News and World Report supplies the percentage of freshmen at each college who finished in the highest 10 percent of their high school class. Among the top 20 universities, the number is usually above 90 percent. I’d be wary of attending schools like that. Students determine the level of classroom discussion; they shape your values and expectations, for good and ill. It’s partly because of the students that I’d warn kids away from the Ivies and their ilk. Kids at less prestigious schools are apt to be more interesting, more curious, more open, and far less entitled and competitive.

If there is anywhere that college is still college—anywhere that teaching and the humanities are still accorded pride of place—it is the liberal arts college. Such places are small, which is not for everyone, and they’re often fairly isolated, which is also not for everyone. The best option of all may be the second-tier—not second-rate—colleges, like Reed, Kenyon, Wesleyan, Sewanee, Mount Holyoke, and others. Instead of trying to compete with Harvard and Yale, these schools have retained their allegiance to real educational values.

Not being an entitled little shit is an admirable goal. But in the end, the deeper issue is the situation that makes it so hard to be anything else. The time has come, not simply to reform that system top to bottom, but to plot our exit to another kind of society altogether.

The education system has to act to mitigate the class system, not reproduce it. Affirmative action should be based on class instead of race, a change that many have been advocating for years. Preferences for legacies and athletes ought to be discarded. SAT scores should be weighted to account for socioeconomic factors. Colleges should put an end to résumé-stuffing by imposing a limit on the number of extracurriculars that kids can list on their applications. They ought to place more value on the kind of service jobs that lower-income students often take in high school and that high achievers almost never do. They should refuse to be impressed by any opportunity that was enabled by parental wealth. Of course, they have to stop cooperating with U.S. News.

More broadly, they need to rethink their conception of merit. If schools are going to train a better class of leaders than the ones we have today, they’re going to have to ask themselves what kinds of qualities they need to promote. Selecting students by GPA or the number of extracurriculars more often benefits the faithful drudge than the original mind.

The changes must go deeper, though, than reforming the admissions process. That might address the problem of mediocrity, but it won’t address the greater one of inequality. The problem is the Ivy League itself. We have contracted the training of our leadership class to a set of private institutions. However much they claim to act for the common good, they will always place their interests first. The arrangement is great for the schools, but is Harvard’s desire for alumni donations a sufficient reason to perpetuate the class system?

I used to think that we needed to create a world where every child had an equal chance to get to the Ivy League. I’ve come to see that what we really need is to create one where you don’t have to go to the Ivy League, or any private college, to get a first-rate education.

High-quality public education, financed with public money, for the benefit of all: the exact commitment that drove the growth of public higher education in the postwar years. Everybody gets an equal chance to go as far as their hard work and talent will take them—you know, the American dream. Everyone who wants it gets to have the kind of mind-expanding, soul-enriching experience that a liberal arts education provides. We recognize that free, quality K–12 education is a right of citizenship. We also need to recognize—as we once did and as many countries still do—that the same is true of higher education. We have tried aristocracy. We have tried meritocracy. Now it’s time to try democracy.

William Deresiewicz is the author of Excellent Sheep: The Miseducation of the American Elite and The Way to a Meaningful Life, coming out August 19 from Free Press. He taught at Yale from 1998 to 2008.

http://www.newrepublic.com/article/118747/ivy-league-schools-are-overrated-send-your-kids-elsewhere

great debates

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New Republic, August 16, 2014
Your Criticism of My Ivy League Takedown Further Proves My Point
By William Deresiewicz

My goal in writing „Don’t Send Your Kid to the Ivy League,“ which appeared last month in The New Republic, was to start a conversation. That certainly has happened, with a number of criticisms directed at my piece. My best response is my new book from which the essay was drawn, Excellent Sheep: The Miseducation of the American Elite and the Way to a Meaningful Life, where I go into these issues in much greater depth. I also propose a constructive vision of what college should be about—not just for the privileged, but everyone—as well as how students can save themselves from the current system and find their way to a sense of purpose.

The criticisms fall into several categories. The first asks, What’s your evidence for all these claims? Here is my evidence. I first sketched out these observations in an essay, „The Disadvantages of an Elite Education,“ in 2008. The piece went viral. Since then, it has been read over a million times—not all at once, but steadily, at the rate, after the initial surge, of about 10,000 page views a month. In other words, people have been reading it and passing it along for the last six years, an eternity on the Internet. It’s clear that I tapped into an enormous hunger to discuss these issues.

To judge from the hundreds of emails I’ve received in response to that piece, that hunger was greatest among young people, students and recent graduates of selective colleges, almost all of whom have told me some version of: Thank you for putting my feelings into words. Add to that the hundreds of students I’ve met at events (often student-initiated) at campuses across the country. I’ve also talked with parents, professors, administrators, older alumni, and employers. Nearly all have concurred with my observations. So have many of the people who have also written on these matters—Harry R. Lewis, the former dean of Harvard College, and Terry Castle, a long-time professor at Stanford, to name just two.

So that’s my evidence: not systematic, but very substantial. I have spent the last six years listening, thinking, reading, and writing about these issues, on top of 15 years at the front of Yale and Columbia classrooms. I’ve been accused of hypocrisy for having been associated with Ivy League schools myself but wanting to dissuade others from going. But my recognitions dawned only slowly, as I realized what the system had been doing to me—and more to the point, what it was doing to the students in front of me. I feel I have an obligation to speak out.

Critics also questioned my claims about the extreme psychological stress  (and distress) that the system creates. These kids are doing just fine, they say. Or: College students have always been stressed out. No, they haven’t—not like this. We are putting these kids under the kind of pressure that no young person should have to endure, and a lot of them are cracking.

We already know this with respect to high-achieving students in high school. In The Price of Privilege, Madeline Levine cites a raft of troubling statistics: “Preteens and teens from affluent, well-educated families … experience among the highest rates of depression, substance abuse, anxiety disorders, somatic complaints, and unhappiness of any group of children in this country”; “As many as 22 percent of adolescent girls from financially comfortable families suffer from clinical depression.” Mental health problems “can be two to five times more prevalent among private high school juniors and seniors” than among their public-school counterparts.

There is no reason to believe that the situation improves when these kids get to college, and plenty of reasons to believe it does not. In a recent survey—summarized by the American Psychological Association under the headline “The Crisis on Campus”—nearly half of college students reported feelings of hopelessness, while almost a third spoke of feeling “so depressed that it was difficult to function during the past 12 months.” Convening a task force on student mental health in 2006, Stanford’s provost wrote that “increasingly, we are seeing students struggling with mental health concerns ranging from self-esteem issues and developmental disorders to depression, anxiety, eating disorders, self-mutilation behaviors, schizophrenia and suicidal behavior.”

The closer you are to these kids, the more you see it. Deans of students see it. Campus counseling services see it. Professors and instructors see it, at least the ones who bother to look. And the kids themselves see it, even if they don’t always know what they’re looking at. One rebuttal to my article by a current Yale student mentioned, in a different connection, that roughly half of that institution’s undergraduates “access the school’s mental health and counseling services at some point,“ without bothering to pause over the significance of that remarkable fact.

Then there are the arguments against my claims about economic inequality on selective campuses, the fact that elite higher education acts, on the whole, to retard rather than promote social mobility. Usually these criticisms take the form of, essentially, “But I had a working-class roommate!” I’ve been hearing about this working-class roommate for six years now. But this is not a matter of conjecture. A study from 2004 (things, if anything, are likely to have gotten worse by now) found that 75 percent of freshmen at the top 100+ selective colleges come from households in the upper quarter of the income distribution, 3 percent from the bottom quarter. You had a working-class roommate, and 25 affluent friends.

It is true that about 50 percent of Ivy League students receive some form of financial aid. It’s also true that most of them are affluent themselves. In 2007, Harvard capped tuition at 10 percent of income for families earning up to $180,000. Still, 40 percent of kids are continuing to pay full fare. An income of $180,000 puts you in the 94th percentile of households, which means that at least 40 percent of Harvard students come from the top 6 percent. The upper class pays full tuition; the upper middle class receives financial aid; and as for the tiny remainder, “The function of the (very few) poor people at Harvard,“ as Walter Benn Michaels puts it, „it is to reassure the (very many) rich people at Harvard that you can’t just buy your way into Harvard.”

Another critic pointed out that only 45 percent of kids at Yale attended private high schools—a number roughly comparable to those at similar institutions. Yes, but the proportion in the country as a whole is 8 percent. A recent study found that 100 high schools—about 0.3 percent of the nationwide total—account for 22 percent of students at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton. Of those hundred, all but six are private, and the ones that aren’t are located in places like Greenwich and Palo Alto.

Many of my critics are simply so far inside the system that they cannot recognize how they’ve absorbed the assumptions that it makes about itself. The Ivy League colleges, one of critic says, are „the best schools in America—and perhaps the world,“ and the students who go there „receive a first-rate education.“ But those are precisely the claims that are in question. What is a first-rate education, and do the Ivy League and its peer institutions deliver one? Are they, in fact, „the best“?

They are the most prestigious, yes. They are the wealthiest, for sure. Their research may be the finest in the world. But none of those circumstances tell you that they do a particularly good job educating undergraduates, and the last one tells you that they probably don’t. Their professors are selected for their scholarship, not their pedagogy. They are actively discouraged from spending more time than necessary on teaching. Everybody in the academic profession knows this; the schools have just been very good at hiding it from families and kids.

I am myself the worst elitist, goes another argument. In fact, I not only blast our existing elite, as well as the schools that ensure its self-perpetuation, I call for the effective dismantling of the entire system through the creation (or re-creation) of free, high-quality public higher education, paid for by taxes on the wealthiest 10 percent. But the indictment appears to revolve around two charges.

First, that I’m discouraging lower-income families from aspiring to send their children to the Ivy Leagues. But if you come from a family of relatively modest means, you don’t need to go to a top-10 school in order to rise. More importantly, we already know that very few of those lower-income kids are actually going to get in to an Ivy League school, whatever the mythology of meritocracy.

Second, that going to college to „build your soul“ is all well and good for the privileged, but most kids have to be practical. Behind this lies a historical argument: In the 19th century, a liberal arts education was something that they gave to gentlemen. Now you have to think about getting a job. But the narrative omits a major chunk of American history—roughly, the first two-thirds of the 20th century. Central to higher education, and especially to public higher education, as it developed and expanded over those years was the notion that what once belonged to gentlemen should now belong to all.

Nor was it—or is it—an either/or situation: Either a general, liberal arts education or a specialized, vocational one; either building a soul or laying the foundation for a career. American higher education, uniquely among the world’s systems, makes room for both. You major in one thing, but you get to take courses in others. The issue now is not that kids don’t or at least wouldn’t want to get a liberal education as well as a practical one (you’d be surprised what kids are interested in doing, if you give them a chance). The issue is that the rest of us don’t want to pay for it.

That is finally what’s at stake here. Are we going to reserve the benefits of a liberal education for the privileged few, or are we going to restore the promise of college as we once conceived it? When I say, at the end of my book, that the time has come to try democracy, that is what I am talking about.

William Deresiewicz is the author of Excellent Sheep: The Miseducation of the American Elite and The Way to a Meaningful Life, out August 19. He taught at Yale from 1998 to 2008.

http://www.newrepublic.com/article/119090/response-new-republics-ivy-league-takedown-proves-my-point

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Education

New Republic, July 24, 2014
Send Your Kid to the Ivy League! The New Republic’s article against elite education is destructive to my students
By J.D. Chapman

I was born and raised in Roanoke, Virginia, a medium-sized city in the Blue Ridge mountains. It is not the sort of place that produces many Ivy League graduates. Only ten kids in my high school class of 500 crossed the Mason-Dixon Line for college, for example. I went to Yale. I chose to move back home anyway. I now serve as the academic director of an independent high school I helped to found, a school that aims to provide a progressive preparatory education for kids from all backgrounds. As such, I have the opportunity to work with a wide variety of families—very few of whom share the prejudices William Deresiewicz assumes in his recent essay for The New Republic, „Don’t Send Your Kid to the Ivy League.“

I don’t know many people who think it will be the end of the world if their child doesn’t attend an Ivy. Around here, I have my hands full explaining that it might be beneficial to attend a summer language academy, or that looking only at colleges within a two-hour drive might disadvantage a child. I suspect that my experience is the more common one in America, if not among the New Republic’s assumed readership. For families like the ones I serve, the article seems misplaced to the point of destructiveness.

Deresiewicz makes and then bungles two essential claims. The first is that the American college system’s admissions process is reductive and occasionally brutal. The second is that far too many students at our nation’s most selective institutions are going into finance.

From the latter point, Deresiewicz concludes that the Ivies don’t engage students or teach them to be more curious, to take risks or fail. Perhaps, but the recent reduction in job security, working conditions, prestige, and salary for the professions he cites as neglected by Ivy Leaguers—clergy, professors, social workers, teachers and scientists—accompanied by the rapid inflation in the same for Wall Street would be an alternate explanation. It is not Yale’s fault that our society at large has radically devalued the professions Deresiewicz and I prefer, and it is not at all evident to me from the limited data he presents that the education is the cause. In fact, there is some correlation between the percentage of students going into finance and the rise in generosity of financial-aid awards at need-blind institutions; maybe graduates are going into fiscally rewarding jobs precisely because they came from poorer backgrounds.

As for the former point, I am only able to offer my own counter-anecdotes. After more than a decade of working with admissions offices, I feel them to be at least somewhat representative. Many elite schools in the United States, in which I include those Deresiewicz counts as second tier and those as inundated by applications as the Ivies, have relatively large and considerate admissions staffs, and aren’t as easily buffaloed by rich kids’ made-to-order summer trips and falsely inflated lists of extracurricular accomplishments as he implies. I routinely get calls from admissions officers from these kinds of schools, to discuss at greater length the unusual applicants whose biographies don’t follow such a pattern. Those officers tell me that they want exactly the sort of students Deresiewicz implies that they don’t, curious oddballs who have taken risks and learned unusual things. They’re expressly searching for people who are not, to quote the article, “out-of-touch, entitled little shit[s].” I do not get the same feedback as often from other kinds of schools, especially state institutions which cannot afford to hire or retain qualified admissions staff in the same numbers.

Having said that, it is reductive to suggest that the elite schools in America are monolithic in practice or philosophy. Deresiewicz’s central offense, perhaps, is to suggest that they are—and worse, that smaller “religious colleges” (does he mean Wheaton? Earlham? Southern Methodist? Patrick Henry? Notre Dame?) are as well.

One of Deresiewicz’s central contentions, that students at elite institutions are particularly emotionally dislocated and wayward, is presented with two kinds of evidence. The first is anecdotal and personal with no counter-examples of peers from lower profile institutions, or from outside of higher education altogether. The second is a glancing mention of what I assume was the survey „The American Freshman: National Norms Fall 2010,“ which did not appear to disaggregate data by selectivity at all. („A large-scale survey of college freshmen recently found that self-reports of emotional well-being have fallen to their lowest level in the study’s 25-year history,“ Deresiewicz writes.) One wonders, does he know other 18-21 year olds? My own experience suggests that thoughtful, curious people in this age group are widely prone to confused self-loathing no matter where they are.

Most of my friends today are not Ivy League graduates. They are, like most middle class people in America not in the trades, graduates of lower-profile liberal arts colleges and state universities. The ones with whom I have discussed this article are unanimous on that last point: They all felt like they were wandering around with no clear direction at that age and object to the premise that that is a special property of the Ivy Leaguer. They are also unanimous on this point: they are proud of their educations, but do not conclude from that pride that an Ivy League education is “overrated” in comparison.

I agree with Deresiewicz that liberal arts colleges like Sarah Lawrence and Reed are uniquely positioned to nurture and challenge students, and I champion them when I can. I don’t believe the Ivies are for every bright kid, and I have occasionally counseled students capable of admission to them to favor other options. And I agree that class lines are hardening in dangerous ways; the Ivies have too much money and power; and meritocracy is a delusion. That does not mean that an Ivy League diploma isn’t valuable, especially for someone whose family has no history of access to elite careers like teaching at Yale or writing for The New Republic. It means that it is valuable. Whether it should be is another discussion altogether.

J.D. Chapman is academic director and co-head of Community High School in Roanoke, Virginia.

http://www.newrepublic.com/article/118848/new-republics-ivy-league-takedown-destructive-high-schoolers

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Remember: Do X! Don´t do Y!

Protect innocent, respect life, defend art, preserve creativity!

What´s Left? Antisemitism!

http://www.jsbielicki.com/jsb-79.htm

DJ Psycho Diver Sant – too small to fail
Tonttu Korvatunturilta Kuunsilta JSB
Tip tap tip tap tipetipe tip tap heija!
http://www.psychosputnik.com
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They want 1984, we want 1776

They are on the run, we are on the march!

 I think for food

800px-Molon_labe2

 

Dummheit ist, wenn jemand nicht weiß, was er wissen könnte.

Political correctness ist, wenn man aus Feigheit lügt, um Dumme nicht zu verärgern, die die Wahrheit nicht hören wollen.

“Im Streit um moralische Probleme, ist der Relativismus die erste Zuflucht der Schurken.“ Roger Scruton

Antisemitismus ist, wenn man Juden, Israel übelnimmt, was man anderen nicht übelnimmt.

Islam ist weniger eine Religion und mehr eine totalitäre Gesellschaftsordnung, eine Ideologie, die absoluten Gehorsam verlangt und keinen Widerspruch, keinerlei Kritik duldet und das Denken und Erkenntnis verbietet. Der wahre Islam ist ganz anders, wer ihn findet wird eine hohe Belohnung erhalten.

Wahnsinn bedeute, immer wieder das gleiche zu tun, aber dabei stets ein anderes Resultat zu erwarten.

Gutmenschen sind Menschen, die gut erscheinen wollen, die gewissenlos das Gewissen anderer Menschen zu eigenen Zwecken mit Hilfe selbst inszenierter Empörungen instrumentalisieren.

Irritationen verhelfen zu weiteren Erkenntnissen, Selbstzufriedenheit führt zur Verblödung,

Wenn ein Affe denkt, „ich bin ein Affe“, dann ist es bereits ein Mensch.

Ein Mensch mit Wurzeln soll zur Pediküre gehen.

Wenn jemand etwas zu sagen hat, der kann es immer sehr einfach sagen. Wenn jemand nichts zu sagen hat, der sagt es dann sehr kompliziert.

Sucht ist, wenn jemand etwas macht, was er machen will und sucht jemand, der es macht, daß er es nicht macht und es nicht machen will.

Sollen die Klugen immer nachgeben, dann wird die Welt von Dummen regiert. Zu viel „Klugheit“ macht dumm.

Wenn man nur das Schlechte bekämpft, um das Leben zu schützen, bringt man gar nichts Gutes hervor und ein solches Leben ist dann nicht mehr lebenswert und braucht nicht beschützt zu werden, denn es ist dann durch ein solches totales Beschützen sowieso schon tot. Man kann so viel Geld für Versicherungen ausgeben, daß man gar nichts mehr zum Versichern hat. Mit Sicherheit ist es eben so.

Zufriedene Sklaven sind die schlimmsten Feinde der Freiheit.

Kreativität ist eine Intelligenz, die Spaß hat.

Wen die Arbeit krank macht, der soll kündigen!

Wenn Deutsche über Moral reden, meinen sie das Geld.

Ein Mensch ohne Erkenntnis ist dann  lediglich ein ängstlicher, aggressiver, unglücklicher Affe.

Denken ist immer grenzüberschreitend.

Der Mob, der sich das Volk nennt, diskutiert nicht, sondern diffamiert.

Legal ist nicht immer legitim.

Wer nicht verzichten kann, lebt unglücklich.

Sogenannte Sozial-, Kultur-, Geisteswissenschaften, Soziologie, Psychologie, Psychotherapie, Psychoanalyse, sind keine Wissenschaften mehr, sondern immanent religiöse Kultpropheten, organisiert wie Sekten.

Ohne eine starke Opposition atrophiert jede scheinbare Demokratie zur Tyrannei, und ebenso eine Wissenschaft, zur Gesinnung einer Sekte.

Man kann alles nur aus gewisser Distanz erkennen, wer sich ereifert, empört, wer mit seiner Nase an etwas klebt, der hat die Perspektive verloren, der erkennt nichts mehr, der hat nur noch seine Phantasie von der Welt im Kopf. So entsteht Paranoia, die sich Religion, und Religion als Politik, sogar als Wissenschaft nennt.

Islamisten sind eine Gefahr, deswegen werden sie als solche nicht gesehen. Juden sind keine Gefahr, deswegen werden sie als solche gesehen. So funktioniert die Wahrnehmung von  Feiglingen.

Humorlose Menschen könner nur fürchten oder hassen und werden Mönche oder Terroristen.

Menschen sind nicht gleich, jeder einzelne Mensch ist ein Unikat.

Erkenntnis gilt für alle, auch für Muslime, Albaner, Frauen und Homosexuelle.

Islam gehört zu Deutschland, Judentum gehört zu Israel.

Der Konsensterror (Totalitarismus) ist in Deutschland allgegenwärtig.

Es wird nicht mehr diskutiert, sondern nur noch diffamiert.

Es ist eine Kultur des Mobs. Wie es bereits gewesen ist.

Harmonie ist nur, wenn man nicht kommuniziert.

Man soll niemals mit jemand ins Bett gehen, der mehr Probleme hat, als man selbst.

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Stupidity is demonstrated by people lacking the knowledge they could achieve

Political correctness can be defined as the telling of a lie out of the cowardice in an attempt to avoid upsetting fools not willing to face up to the truth

“In arguments about moral problems, relativism is the first refuge of the scoundrel.” Roger Scruton

Antisemitism is when one blames the Jews or Israel for issues, he does not blame others

Islam is less a religion and more a totalitarian society, an ideology that demands absolute obedience and tolerates no dissent, no criticism, and prohibits the thinking, knowledge and recognition. True Islam is totally different, the one who will find it will receive a very high reward.

Craziness is, when one always does the same but expects a different outcome

If a monkey thinks “I am a monkey”, then it is already a human

A man with roots should go for a pedicure

Self smugness leads to idiocy, being pissed off leads to enlightenment

If someone has something to say, he can tell it always very easily. If someone has nothing to say, he says it in a very complicated way

Addiction is, when somebody does something he wants to do, yet seeks someone who can make it so he won’t do it and doesn’t want to, either.

If the clever people always gave in, the world would be reigned by idiots. Too much “cleverness” makes you stupid.

If one only fights evil to protect life, one produces nothing good at all and such a life then becomes no longer worth living and thus requires no protection, for it is already unlived due to such a total protection. One can spend so much money on insurance, that one has nothing left to insure. Safety works in the same way.

Happy slaves are the worst enemies of freedom.

Creativity is an intelligence having fun.

If working makes you sick, fuck off, leave the work!

If Germans talk about morality, they mean money.

A man without an insight is just an anxious, aggressive, unhappy monkey.

Thinking is always trespassing.

The mob, who calls himself the people, does not discuss, just defames.

Legal is not always legitimate.

Who can not do without, lives unhappy.

So called social, culture sciences, sociology, psychology psychotherapy, psychoanalysis, are not anymore scientific, but immanent religious cult-prophets, organized as sects.

Without a strong opposition any apparent democracy atrophies to a tyranny, and as well a science , to an attitude of a religious sect.

You can recognize everything from a certain distance only, who is zealous, outraged, who sticks his nose in something, this one has lost the perspective, he recognizes anything more, he has only his imagination of the world in his head. This creates paranoia, which is called religion, and a religion as politics, even as a science.

Islamists are a real danger, therefore they will not be seen as such. Jews are not a danger, therefore they are seen as such. It is how the perception by cowards functions.

People without a sense of humor are able only to fear or to hate and become monks or terrorists.

People are not equal, each single person is unique.

Insight applies to everyone, including Muslims, Albanians, women and homosexuals.

Islam belongs to Germany, Judaism belongs to Israel.

The totalitarian Terror of consensus is ubiquitous in Germany.
There are no discussions anymore, but defamations only.
It is a culture of the mob. As it has already been.
Harmony is only if you do not communicate.

One should never go to bed with someone who has more problems than you already have.

Fragen an einen Psychoanalytiker / Questions to ask a psychoanalyst (german/english)

StrangeWorldofYourDreams

Aufklärung ist der Ausgang des Menschen aus seiner selbstverschuldeten Unmündigkeit. Unmündigkeit ist das Unvermögen, sich seines Verstandes ohne Leitung eines anderen zu bedienen. Selbstverschuldet ist diese Unmündigkeit, wenn die Ursache derselben nicht am Mangel des Verstandes, sondern der Entschließung und des Muthes liegt, sich seiner ohne Leitung eines anderen zu bedienen.

Sapere aude! Habe Muth, dich deines eigenen Verstandes zu bedienen! ist also der Wahlspruch der Aufklärung.“ (Immanuel Kant)

Was ist Psychoanalyse?

Psychoanalyse ist Aufklärung, eine Kunst zu entdecken und zu erklären, was der andere weiß, aber nicht wissen will. Das nennt man die Deutung des Unbewußten. In der Psychoanalyse wird die Bedeutung, die Deutung des Unbewußten geklärt, erklärt, aufgeklärt. Sie ist eine Kunst, nicht so daher gesagt, wie Leute zum Beispiel von der Medizin behaupten, sie sei eine Kunst. Nein, Medizin ist keine Kunst, sie ist ein Handwerk. Psychoanalyse ist eine Kunst, weil sie neue Zusammenhänge entdeckt, herstellt, konstituiert, wachsen läßt, so daß das Neue besser, schöner ist, als das Alte, schlechte, häßliche, worunter der Analysand litt. Psychoanalyse ist also nicht nur eine Analyse, sondern auch Synthese, Gestaltung und Hermeneutik.

Wenn jemand, der sich ein Psychoanalytiker nennt, sagen wir in letzten zehn Jahren nichts Neues in seiner Arbeit entdeckt hat, dann ist er kein Psychoanalytiker, sondern ein Dummschwätzer. Denn das Bekannte, ist nicht das Erkannte.

Und ebenso wie in jeder anderen Kunst, löst das Neue immer Empörung aus, weil es ungewohnt, anders als das Bisherige, eben Neu ist. Eine Psychoanalyse, über die sich die Gesellschaft, die deutsche Volksgemeinschaft, der rot-rot-grüne Sozialverbotsfilz nicht empört, ist keine. Die Zivilcourage, die daraus besteht, allgemein gesellschaftlich Anerkanntes zu wiederholen (Israelkritik, Frauenbenachteiligung, Kanonisierung der Homosexualität, etc. etc.), ist keine.

Wenn ich in meiner psychoanalytischen Arbeit deute und höre: „Sie sind aber so gemeeein, uuhuuu…“, dann weiß ich, daß ich pflichtbewußt und erfolgreich arbeite.

Wenn jemand, der sich ein Psychoanalytiker nennt, in letzten zehn Jahren in seiner Arbeit nichts entdeckt und geäußert hat, worüber sich die Volksgemeinschaft empört hätte, dann ist er keiner. Volksgemeinschaft, fragen Sie? Ja, der Führer ist tot, aber die deutsche Volksgemeinschaft lebt mit allen damaligen nationalsozialistischen Inhalten in rot-rot-grüner Verdrängung weiter und agiert diese Inhalte immer mehr aus, und es ist wahnsinnig, immer wieder das gleiche zu tun, aber dabei stets ein anderes Resultat zu erwarten.

Es gibt keine politisch korrekte Psychoanalyse. Dummheit ist, wenn jemand nicht weiß, was er wissen könnte. Political correctness ist, wenn man aus Feigheit lügt, um Dumme nicht zu verärgern, die die Wahrheit nicht hören wollen.

Sebastian Schreul schreibt: „Die Psychoanalyse ist in Deutschland aus den großen öffentlichen Debatten verschwunden, als hätte man sie vergessen – oder wie es ein Dogmatiker sagte: Sie wurde verdrängt. Aber selbst wenn es Verdrängung wäre, dann müsste sie wiederkehren, in einer Form oder auf eine Art und Weise, mit der wir nicht gerechnet hätten. Sie kehrte dann als etwas wieder, so dass wir vielleicht überhaupt nicht erkennen, dass es noch die Psychoanalyse ist, die wir so (ver-) kannten, als wir sie verdrängten.“[1] Wir? Ich habe sie nicht verdrängt.

Die organisierte Psychoanalyse ist in Deutschland aus den großen öffentlichen Debatten verschwunden, weil sie kein kritisches Denken mehr fördert, sondern im Gegenteil jegliche Kritik, die irgendwelche gesellschaftliche Relevanz haben könnte, proaktiv mit allen ihr zur Verfügung stehenden Mitteln verhindert und zensiert und sich nur noch mit steter Verfestigung des Konsenses und der Verteidigung ihres Platzes am Geldtrog des psychoindustriellen Komplexes beschäftigt. Deutsche organisierte Psychoanalyse ist seit dem III Reich tot. Was als Psychoanalyse nach 1945 so genannt wurde, war und ist ein Gutmenschentum billigster Sorte, heute ein rot-rot-grüner Filz mit einer Sozialarbeitermentalität. Diese Psychoanalyse ist in Deutschland nur noch sein eigenes Totem und Tabu, weil sie Konsens, Harmonie gegenüber Diskussion, offenem Diskurs bevorzugt, weil sie unterdrückt, verhindert, ihr mißliebige Meinungen zensiert, nicht diskutiert, sondern diffamiert. Solche Tabus sind: daß Homosexualität gleich wie die Heterosexualität ist, daß Islam gleich wie andere Religionen ist, ubiquitäre Verwendung der Quasi-Diagnosen Burn-Out, Mobbing und Traumatisierung und vieles andere.

Die überwiegende Mehrheit der Psychotherapeuten, der Psychoanalytiker ist was sich so nennt „links“, also rot-rot-grün mit deren totalitärem Anspruch. Meines Erachtens ist deutsche Gesellschaft heute weder links, noch rechts, noch mittig, sondern überwiegend totalitär. Mit all ihr zur Verfügung stehenden Macht, und sie ist nicht wenig, denn entscheidend für das Recht der Berufsausübung, erzwingen psychotherapeutische, psychoanalytische Institute, Verbände, Psychotherapeutenkammern ihre Gesinnungen. Es sind Gesinnungen, keine Erkenntnisse. Die meisten Psychos (Psychotherapeuten und Psychoanalytiker) nehmen Juden, Israel übel, was sie anderen nicht übelnehmen. Antisemitismus ist, wenn man Juden, Israel übelnimmt, was man anderen nicht übelnimmt. Immanent in deutscher organisierter Psychotherapie und Psychoanalyse ist ein solcher Antisemitismus.

[1] Freud für sich arbeiten lassen

Über Jean Laplanches „Leben und Tod in der Psychoanalyse“

Von Sebastian Schreul

http://www.literaturkritik.de/public/rezension.php?rez_id=19629

Hier finden Sie einen Fragekatalog, der klärt, ob jemand ein Psychoanalytiker ist, oder sich nur so nennt.

PA-deu

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„ Enlightenment is man’s emergence from his self-imposed immaturity. Immaturity is an inability to use one’s own understanding without another’s guidance. This nonage is self-imposed when its cause lies not in lack of understanding, but in indecisiveness and lack of courage to use one’s own mind without another’s guidance. Dare to know!
Sapere aude! Have the courage to use your own understanding! is therefore the motto of enlightenment“ (Immanuel Kant)

What is psychoanalysis?
Psychoanalysis is enlightenment, an art of discovering that which the other party doesn’t want to know. It’s referred to as the interpretation of the subconscious. In psychoanalysis, the meaning, the interpretation of the unknown, is clarified, explained and illuminated. It is an art, and that is meant to be taken seriously, not in the way that people claim e.g. medicine to be an art. No, medicine is no art, it’s a craft. Psychoanalysis is an art, for it discovers, produces and constitutes new interrelations, as well as allows them to develop, so that everything new is better than everything old, bad and ugly, which had caused the analysand to suffer. Therefor, psychoanalysis doesn’t just comprise of analysis, but also embraces and incorporates synthesis, creation and organization, as well as hermeneutics.
Anyone who refers to themselves as a psychoanalyst, yet hasn’t discovered anything new in the course of his work in the last decade, is not a psychoanalyst, but a blithering idiot, for that which is already known, was not truly discovered.
And just as in any other art, something new always causes outrage, for it is unfamiliar and different than what was previously, i.e. ’new‘. A psychoanalysis which fails to outrage society, the German ethnic community and the socially restrictive red-red-green sleazes, isn’t psychoanalysis. The courage to stand up for one’s beliefs consisting of repeating generally socially accepted things (criticism of Israel, discrimination against women, canonization of homosexuality, etc. etc.) isn’t true courage at all.
When I interpret in the course of my psychoanalytic work and am told: “But, you’re so mean, boohoo…”, then that’s how I know, that I am performing my work in manner conscientious of my duties and responsibilities, thus successfully.
If someone, who calls themselves a psychoanalyst, hasn’t discovered and expressed anything new in the course of his work in the last decade, which would’ve outraged the ethnic community, then he is not a psychoanalyst. Ethnic community, you ask? Yes, the Führer has passed, yet the German ethnic community, with all its prior Nazi contents, lives on in red-red-green repression, and increasingly acts out these contents, and it is entirely insane to keep doing the same thing over and over, yet continuously expect a different outcome.
There is no politically correct psychoanalysis. Foolishness is when someone is ignorant of what they could know. Political correctness is when someone tells lies out of cowardliness, in order to avoid upsetting idiots who don’t want to hear the truth.
Sebastian Schreul writes: „In Germany, psychoanalysis has disappeared from major public debates, as if it had been forgotten – or, as a dogmatist would say: It has been suppressed. However, even if it was suppression, then it would be bound to return, in some shape or type of way, which we wouldn’t have anticipated. It would return as something that we might even fail to recognize as still being psychoanalysis, which we knew and misconceived, back when we suppressed it.” We? I didn’t suppress it.
Organized psychoanalysis disappeared from major public debates in Germany because it no longer requires critical thinking. On the contrary: Any criticism which may carry some type of social relevance is proactively circumvented and censored by use of all available means, while psychoanalysis is now only concerned with constant reinforcement of consensus and defending of its position at the cash box of the psycho-industrial complex. Organized German psychoanalysis died with the Third Reich. That which has been referred to as psychoanalysis post 1945, was and is the cheapest sort of romantic philanthropy; nowadays a red-red-green sleaze with the mentality of a social worker. In Germany, this psychoanalysis is nothing more than its own totem and taboo, because it prefers consensus and harmony over discussion and public discourse, because it suppresses, prevents, censors undesirable opinions, defames instead of discussing. Such taboos are: that homosexuality is equal to heterosexuality, that Islam is like other religions, ubiquitous use of the quasi-diagnoses ‚burnout‘, ‚mobbing‘ and ‚traumatization‘ and many more.

The vast majority of psychotherapists, of psychoanalysts is what is commonly referred to as “leftist”, i.e. red-red-green with their totalitarian claim. From my point of view, today’s German society is neither left-wing, nor right-wing, nor in between, but predominantly totalitarian. With all power available to psychoanalytic institutes, associations, psychotherapist chambers, which isn’t insignificant due to deciding over the right to professionalism, they enforce dispositions. They are dispositions, not realizations. Most psychos (psychotherapists And psychoanalysts) hold a grudge against Jews and Israel in cases in which they wouldn’t for others. Anti-Semitism is holding a grudge against Jews and Israel for things you wouldn’t hold a grudge against others for. Such an anti-Semitism is innate to organized German psychotherapy and psychoanalysis.

[1] Freud für sich arbeiten lassen

Über Jean Laplanches „Leben und Tod in der Psychoanalyse“

Von Sebastian Schreul

http://www.literaturkritik.de/public/rezension.php?rez_id=19629

Here you will find a questionnaire which will clarify whether someone is truly a psychoanalyst, or just calls himself one.

PA-engl

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Remember: Do X! Don´t do Y!

Protect innocent, respect life, defend art, preserve creativity!

What´s Left? Antisemitism!

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They want 1984, we want 1776

They are on the run, we are on the march!

 I think for food

800px-Molon_labe2

 

Dummheit ist, wenn jemand nicht weiß, was er wissen könnte.

Political correctness ist, wenn man aus Feigheit lügt, um Dumme nicht zu verärgern, die die Wahrheit nicht hören wollen.

“Im Streit um moralische Probleme, ist der Relativismus die erste Zuflucht der Schurken.“ Roger Scruton

Antisemitismus ist, wenn man Juden, Israel übelnimmt, was man anderen nicht übelnimmt.

Islam ist weniger eine Religion und mehr eine totalitäre Gesellschaftsordnung, eine Ideologie, die absoluten Gehorsam verlangt und keinen Widerspruch, keinerlei Kritik duldet und das Denken und Erkenntnis verbietet. Der wahre Islam ist ganz anders, wer ihn findet wird eine hohe Belohnung erhalten.

Wahnsinn bedeute, immer wieder das gleiche zu tun, aber dabei stets ein anderes Resultat zu erwarten.

Gutmenschen sind Menschen, die gut erscheinen wollen, die gewissenlos das Gewissen anderer Menschen zu eigenen Zwecken mit Hilfe selbst inszenierter Empörungen instrumentalisieren.

Irritationen verhelfen zu weiteren Erkenntnissen, Selbstzufriedenheit führt zur Verblödung,

Wenn ein Affe denkt, „ich bin ein Affe“, dann ist es bereits ein Mensch.

Ein Mensch mit Wurzeln soll zur Pediküre gehen.

Wenn jemand etwas zu sagen hat, der kann es immer sehr einfach sagen. Wenn jemand nichts zu sagen hat, der sagt es dann sehr kompliziert.

Sucht ist, wenn jemand etwas macht, was er machen will und sucht jemand, der es macht, daß er es nicht macht und es nicht machen will.

Sollen die Klugen immer nachgeben, dann wird die Welt von Dummen regiert. Zu viel „Klugheit“ macht dumm.

Wenn man nur das Schlechte bekämpft, um das Leben zu schützen, bringt man gar nichts Gutes hervor und ein solches Leben ist dann nicht mehr lebenswert und braucht nicht beschützt zu werden, denn es ist dann durch ein solches totales Beschützen sowieso schon tot. Man kann so viel Geld für Versicherungen ausgeben, daß man gar nichts mehr zum Versichern hat. Mit Sicherheit ist es eben so.

Zufriedene Sklaven sind die schlimmsten Feinde der Freiheit.

Kreativität ist eine Intelligenz, die Spaß hat.

Wen die Arbeit krank macht, der soll kündigen!

Wenn Deutsche über Moral reden, meinen sie das Geld.

Ein Mensch ohne Erkenntnis ist dann  lediglich ein ängstlicher, aggressiver, unglücklicher Affe.

Denken ist immer grenzüberschreitend.

Der Mob, der sich das Volk nennt, diskutiert nicht, sondern diffamiert.

Legal ist nicht immer legitim.

Wer nicht verzichten kann, lebt unglücklich.

Sogenannte Sozial-, Kultur-, Geisteswissenschaften, Soziologie, Psychologie, Psychotherapie, Psychoanalyse, sind keine Wissenschaften mehr, sondern immanent religiöse Kultpropheten, organisiert wie Sekten.

Ohne eine starke Opposition atrophiert jede scheinbare Demokratie zur Tyrannei, und ebenso eine Wissenschaft, zur Gesinnung einer Sekte.

Man kann alles nur aus gewisser Distanz erkennen, wer sich ereifert, empört, wer mit seiner Nase an etwas klebt, der hat die Perspektive verloren, der erkennt nichts mehr, der hat nur noch seine Phantasie von der Welt im Kopf. So entsteht Paranoia, die sich Religion, und Religion als Politik, sogar als Wissenschaft nennt.

Islamisten sind eine Gefahr, deswegen werden sie als solche nicht gesehen. Juden sind keine Gefahr, deswegen werden sie als solche gesehen. So funktioniert die Wahrnehmung von  Feiglingen.

Humorlose Menschen könner nur fürchten oder hassen und werden Mönche oder Terroristen.

Menschen sind nicht gleich, jeder einzelne Mensch ist ein Unikat.

Erkenntnis gilt für alle, auch für Muslime, Albaner, Frauen und Homosexuelle.

Islam gehört zu Deutschland, Judentum gehört zu Israel.

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Stupidity is demonstrated by people lacking the knowledge they could achieve

Political correctness can be defined as the telling of a lie out of the cowardice in an attempt to avoid upsetting fools not willing to face up to the truth

“In arguments about moral problems, relativism is the first refuge of the scoundrel.” Roger Scruton

Antisemitism is when one blames the Jews or Israel for issues, he does not blame others

Islam is less a religion and more a totalitarian society, an ideology that demands absolute obedience and tolerates no dissent, no criticism, and prohibits the thinking, knowledge and recognition. True Islam is totally different, the one who will find it will receive a very high reward.

Craziness is, when one always does the same but expects a different outcome

If a monkey thinks “I am a monkey”, then it is already a human

A man with roots should go for a pedicure

Self smugness leads to idiocy, being pissed off leads to enlightenment

If someone has something to say, he can tell it always very easily. If someone has nothing to say, he says it in a very complicated way

Addiction is, when somebody does something he wants to do, yet seeks someone who can make it so he won’t do it and doesn’t want to, either.

If the clever people always gave in, the world would be reigned by idiots. Too much “cleverness” makes you stupid.

If one only fights evil to protect life, one produces nothing good at all and such a life then becomes no longer worth living and thus requires no protection, for it is already unlived due to such a total protection. One can spend so much money on insurance, that one has nothing left to insure. Safety works in the same way.

Happy slaves are the worst enemies of freedom.

Creativity is an intelligence having fun.

If working makes you sick, fuck off, leave the work!

If Germans talk about morality, they mean money.

A man without an insight is just an anxious, aggressive, unhappy monkey.

Thinking is always trespassing.

The mob, who calls himself the people, does not discuss, just defames.

Legal is not always legitimate.

Who can not do without, lives unhappy.

So called social, culture sciences, sociology, psychology psychotherapy, psychoanalysis, are not anymore scientific, but immanent religious cult-prophets, organized as sects.

Without a strong opposition any apparent democracy atrophies to a tyranny, and as well a science , to an attitude of a religious sect.

You can recognize everything from a certain distance only, who is zealous, outraged, who sticks his nose in something, this one has lost the perspective, he recognizes anything more, he has only his imagination of the world in his head. This creates paranoia, which is called religion, and a religion as politics, even as a science.

Islamists are a real danger, therefore they will not be seen as such. Jews are not a danger, therefore they are seen as such. It is how the perception by cowards functions.

People without a sense of humor are able only to fear or to hate and become monks or terrorists.

People are not equal, each single person is unique.

Insight applies to everyone, including Muslims, Albanians, women and homosexuals.

Islam belongs to Germany, Judaism belongs to Israel.

Kein Platz für Andersdenkende: Intolerante Sozialwissenschaften (auch Psychologen) / Science Left Behind: Feel-Good Fallacies and the Rise of the Anti-Scientific Left (also Psychologists)

confirmation bias
Kein Platz für Andersdenkende: Intolerante Sozialwissenschaften (auch Psychologen)
Science Left Behind: Feel-Good Fallacies and the Rise of the Anti-Scientific Left (also Psychologists)

Ist es nicht interessant, dass die deutschen Sozialwissenschaften (und nicht nur die deutschen) die Diversität, die Toleranz und Akzeptanz Andersdenkender predigen, dass sie gegen Diskriminierung zu Felde ziehen und sich für Vielfalt einsetzen, dies aus einem Fach heraus tun, das all dies nicht ist: tolerant, divers, vielfältig, und, so muss man anfügen auch nicht interessant?

Es ist dies einer der Widersprüche des täglichen Lebens, einer der Widersprüche, der sich aufgrund sozialer Prozesse ergibt, für die diejenigen, die vorgeben, sie würden soziale Prozesse in der Gesellschaft untersuchen, regelmäßig dann blind sind, wenn sie im eigenen Umfeld stattfinden, wenn sie selbst Teil dieses Prozesses sind – und nicht nur dann. Deshalb gilt Toleranz immer für die anderen, nie für diejenigen, die Toleranz fordern.

Dass nicht nur die deutschen Sozialwissenschaften sich in einem Schließungsprozess befinden, in dem nur noch bestimmte Ideen zugelassen sind, während andere Ideen ausgeschlossen werden, dass Sozialwissenschaften allgemein eine Abwärtsspirale der politischen Korrektheit durchlaufen, die sie das in Menge produzieren lässt, was man im Englischen als Junk Science bezeichnet: Unnütze Studien, die z.B. nachweisen wollen, dass Frauen in Vorständen den Profit des Unternehmens erhöhen oder die gezeigt haben wollen, dass jedes Recht, das ein Land an Lesben, Schwule, Bi- und Transsexuelle vergibt, das Bruttosozialprodukt um 320 US-Dollar pro Kopf erhöht.

Um zu sehen, dass es sich bei diesen vermeintlichen Studien um Junk Science handelt, muss man sich nur ins richtige Leben begeben und sich überlegen, wie es möglich sein soll, dass sagen wir zwei Frauen mehr im Vorstand dazu führen, dass der Guiness-Absatz von Diageo in Argentinien um 5% steigt. Oder man muss sich nur überlegen, wie die Tatsache, dass Schwule sich jetzt Kinder kaufen dürfen, dazu beitragen soll, dass der Export, also das Zugpferd des Bruttosozialprodukts in Deutschland, angekurbelt wird und gerade nicht in den Ländern, aus denen die Bestellkinder geliefert werden. Das reicht bereits, um derartigen Unsinn als ebensolchen zu entlarven, ohne dass man sich Fragen wie der nach Kausalität und Korrelation überhaupt stellen muss.

Dass die Sozialwissenschaften dabei sind, sich in eine Sekte zu verwandeln, die nur noch bestimmte Ideen zulässt, die nur noch bestimmte Gegenstände beforscht, sofern sie überhaupt forscht und in denen mehr Betrachtungen als Ergebnisse publiziert werden, fällt immer mehr Wissenschaftlern auf. Das neueste Beispiel stammt aus den USA, wird demnächst in Behavioral and Brain Science veröffentlicht und geht mit der Sozialpsychologie hart ins Gericht. Duarte et al. (2014) haben es verfasst, und es sei an dieser Stelle allen Lesern als Weihnachtslektüre empfohlen.

Science Left BehindWie fast alle Sozialwissenschaften, so ist auch die Sozialpsychologie links unterwandert, anders formuliert: unter Sozialwissenschaftlern finden sich deutlich mehr Personen, die sich politisch links ansiedeln als solche, die von sich sagen, sie wären in der Mitte beheimatet, rechts oder gar liberal. Die sozialwissenschaftlichen Prediger der Diversität sind selbst eines nicht: divers. Und sie sind es über die vergangenen Jahrzehnte betrachtet immer weniger geworden. Vielmehr stellen sich Sozialwissenschaften in den meisten westlichen Ländern als linke Projekte dar, als Projekte, die gar nicht tolerant gegenüber rechten oder liberalen Ideen sind.

Dies, so Duarte et al., trage die Gefahr von Selbstselektion, Schließung und Group Think in sich, und das ist natürlich ein Euphemismus, denn, wie Duarte et al. selbst beschreiben, hat diese Schließung längst stattgefunden, ist Selbstselektion von Linken in die linken Sozialwissenschaften längst die Normalität, hat diese Normalität längst dazu geführt, dass die Mehrheit der Professoren offen zugibt, dass sie Bewerber, die nicht links sind, selbst bei besserer Eignung nicht einstellen würden (Inbar & Lammers, 2012).

Dass in Sozialwissenschaften ein für alle, die nicht links sind, feindliches Klima herrscht, das längst dazu geführt hat, dass bestimmte Ideen nicht mehr gedacht werden (dürfen) und diejenigen, die sie dennoch denken, negativ sanktioniert werden, haben mutige Forscher schon mehrfach und früh gezeigt: Abramowitz et al. (1975) haben ein fast identisches wissenschaftliches Papier von Kollegen bewerten lassen, dabei haben sie nur eine Winzigkeit verändert: die Darstellung eines Ergebnisses. Eine Studie, die die mentale Stablilität mit politischer Ideologie in Verbindung brachte, kam einmal zu dem Ergebnis, dass Linke mental stabiler sind als Rechte, einmal waren Linke mental instabiler als Rechte. Kollegen, die mit diesen Ergebnissen konfrontiert wurden und sich politisch links verorteten, bewerteten das Papier von Abramowitz et al. besser, wenn es das Ergebnis hatte, dass Linke mental stabiler sind als Rechte. Kollegen, die sich politisch rechts einordneten, hatten diesen Bias in der Bewertung nicht.

Mit anderen Worten: Sozialwissenschaftler, die sich politisch links verorten, diskriminieren gegen Personen, die sich nicht als politisch links zu erkennen geben, sie bewerten Forschungsergebnisse danach, ob sie ihrer politischen Überzeugung entsprechen, und sie verzerren als Folge Forschung in einem wissenschaftlichen Feld, machen aus wissenschaftlicher eine ideologische Forschung, die nur noch auf der Suche nach Bestätigung für die eigene Weltsicht ist (confirmation bias) und alle Ergebnisse, die der eigenen ideologischen Überzeugung widersprechen, ausblendet, bekämpft und in keinem Fall toleriert.

Sozialwissenschaftler und ihre Wissenschaften sind auf dem besten Weg, eine religiöse Sekte voller linker Überzeugungstäter zu werden, die sich aufgrund ihrer verzerrten Wahrnehmung immer weiter von der Realität und der Normalität der Gesellschaft entfernen, die sie umgibt. Und weil dem so ist, sind Sozialwissenschaften nur noch für Ideologen interessant, deshalb zieht es vor allem linke politische Aktivisten in die Sozialwissenschaften, in denen sie ihr ideologisches Zerstörungswerk fortsetzen und die Sozialwissenschaften in einer Welle von gleichgeschalteter, langweiliger, linker und vor allem politisch korrekter Forschung ertränken.

Duarte et al. (2014) beenden ihren Beitrag mit einer Reihe von Empfehlungen, die dafür sorgen sollen, dass Sozialwissenschaften zu dem werden, was die derzeitigen Sozialwissenschaftler angeblich so wichtig finden: divers, vielseitig und tolerant:

  • Zunächst müssen Professoren der Sozialwissenschaften zugeben, dass ihr Fach zu einem ideologisch homogenen Feld verkommen ist. Eine Hürde, die in Deutschland doppelt hoch ist, denn sie beinhaltet nicht nur Einsicht, sondern auch Mut, Mut den Mund aufzumachen.
  • Dann müssen in den Sozialwissenschaften Diversität und Vielfalt Einzug halten, z.B. in Form von Kritik an politisch korrekter Forschung oder von Kritik am Feminismus, dessen Vertreter Ressourcen verschlingen ohne auch nur ein produktives Payback zu produzieren.
  • Dies setzt voraus, dass sich Sozialwissenschaftler ihrer eigenen Bigotterie bewusst werden und sich selbst zum Forschungsgegenstand machen, denn nur auf diese Weise können die Doppelstandards aufgedeckt werden, die viele unter ihnen auf der einen Seite Diversität predigen lassen, wie dies z.B. die Gender Studies unablässig tun, um auf der anderen Seite alle diejenigen zu bekämpfen und zu denunzieren, die diverse Meinungen, also Abweichungen von der Ideologie der Gender Studies formulieren.
  • Schließlich fordern Duarte et al. zwei Kröten, die in Deutschland vermutlich niemand schlucken wird: Einerseits sollten Publikationen, die bewusst von der herrschenden Meinung, also der politischen Korrektheit, abweichen, gefördert werden. Andererseits sollte ein neues Wertesystem für Sozialwissenschaftler gelten, nämlich eines, das diejenigen, die ihre Fehler aussitzen wollen und sich mit Kritik an ihren Veröffentlichungen nicht beschäftigen, derart in der Reputation beschädigt, dass sie die Hochschule verlassen müssen. Da mit dem letzten Punkt alle Vertreter der Gender Studies, die es bis zum heutigen Tag nicht geschafft haben, auch nur die einfachsten Fragen nach den Grundlagen ihrer angeblich doch wissenschaftlichen Betätigung zu beantworten, von Hochschulen beseitigen würde, kann man sich ungefähr vorstellen, wie beliebt die entsprechende Forderung in Deutschland sein wird.

Die Krisensignale, die sich für uns eher anhören, wie das letzte Röcheln, das demjenigen entkommt, der gerade erwürgt wird, die Krisensignale in den Sozialwissenschaften werden immer häufiger thematisiert. In den USA werden sogar Anstrengungen unternommen, um wissenschaftliche Standards wieder zu sichern und die ideologisch-linke Unterwanderung der Sozialwissenschaften zu beseitigen. Und in den USA haben Wissenschaftler, linke Wissenschaftler im vorliegenden Fall, die Hoffnung, dass es gelingen kann, die Sozialwissenschaften wieder zu einer Wissenschaft zu machen.

Für Deutschland teilen wir diese Hoffnung nicht. Da es in Deutschland nicht einmal möglich ist, einen Diskurs darüber anzustrengen, ob bestimmte Fächer an Hochschulen etwas verloren haben, geschweige denn darüber zu diskutieren, ob es für Hochschulen förderlich sein kann, wenn sie immer mehr zu Marionetten eines politischen Willens werden, der in Ministerien festgelegt wird und vor Ort durch die Armee der Politkommissare, die zwischenzeitlich an Hochschulen installiert wurde, umgesetzt wird, sehen wir nicht, wie es gelingen soll, Sozialwissenschaften in Deutschland wieder zu einer Wissenschaft zu machen.

P.S.

Duarte et al. sprechen in ihrem Text von “liberals”, was auf die Verfasstheit des US-amerikanischen Parteiensystems zurückgeht und für Deutschland am besten mit “links” übersetzt wird, wobei “links” nicht bedeutet, dass diejenigen, die sich links bezeichnen, auch links sind, also den Wurzeln der politischen linken Ideologie in der Arbeiterbewegung Rechnung tragen, sondern nur, dass sie sich für links halten.

Abramowitz, Steven I., Gomez, Beverly & Abramowitz, Christine V. (1975). Publish or politic: Referee Bias in Manuscript Review. Journal of Applied Social Psychology 5(3): 187-200.

Duarte, José L., Crawford, Jarret T., Stern, Charlotta, Haidt, Jonathan, Jussim, Lee & Tetlock, Philip E. (2014). Political Diversity Will Improve Social Psychological Science. To be published in Behavioral and Brain Science.

Inbar, Yoel & Lammers, Joris (2012). Political Diversity in Social and Personality Psychology. Perspectives on Psychological Science 7(5): 496-503.

http://sciencefiles.org/2014/12/23/kein-platz-fur-andersdenkende-intolerante-sozialwissenschaften/

line-wordpress

Remember: Do X! Don´t do Y!

Protect innocent, respect life, defend art, preserve creativity!

What´s Left? Antisemitism!

http://www.jsbielicki.com/jsb-79.htm

DJ Psycho Diver Sant – too small to fail
Tonttu Korvatunturilta Kuunsilta JSB
Tip tap tip tap tipetipe tip tap heija!
http://www.psychosputnik.com
http://www.saatchionline.com/jsbielicki
https://psychosputnik.wordpress.com/

They want 1984, we want 1776

They are on the run, we are on the march!

 I think for food

800px-Molon_labe2

 

Dummheit ist, wenn jemand nicht weiß, was er wissen könnte.

Political correctness ist, wenn man aus Feigheit lügt, um Dumme nicht zu verärgern, die die Wahrheit nicht hören wollen.

“Im Streit um moralische Probleme, ist der Relativismus die erste Zuflucht der Schurken.“ Roger Scruton

Antisemitismus ist, wenn man Juden, Israel übelnimmt, was man anderen nicht übelnimmt.

Islam ist weniger eine Religion und mehr eine totalitäre Gesellschaftsordnung, eine Ideologie, die absoluten Gehorsam verlangt und keinen Widerspruch, keinerlei Kritik duldet und das Denken und Erkenntnis verbietet. Der wahre Islam ist ganz anders, wer ihn findet wird eine hohe Belohnung erhalten.

Wahnsinn bedeute, immer wieder das gleiche zu tun, aber dabei stets ein anderes Resultat zu erwarten

Gutmenschen sind Menschen, die gut erscheinen wollen, die gewissenlos das Gewissen anderer Menschen zu eigenen Zwecken mit Hilfe selbst inszenierter Empörungen instrumentalisieren

Irritationen verhelfen zu weiteren Erkenntnissen, Selbstzufriedenheit führt zur Verblödung

Wenn ein Affe denkt, „ich bin ein Affe“, dann ist es bereits ein Mensch

Ein Mensch mit Wurzeln soll zur Pediküre gehen

Wenn jemand etwas zu sagen hat, der kann es immer sehr einfach sagen. Wenn jemand nichts zu sagen hat, der sagt es dann sehr kompliziert

Sucht ist, wenn jemand etwas macht, was er machen will und sucht jemand, der es macht, daß er es nicht macht und es nicht machen will.

Sollen die Klugen immer nachgeben, dann wird die Welt von Dummen regiert. Zu viel „Klugheit“ macht dumm.

Wenn man nur das Schlechte bekämpft, um das Leben zu schützen, bringt man gar nichts Gutes hervor und ein solches Leben ist dann nicht mehr lebenswert und braucht nicht beschützt zu werden, denn es ist dann durch ein solches totales Beschützen sowieso schon tot. Man kann so viel Geld für Versicherungen ausgeben, daß man gar nichts mehr zum Versichern hat. Mit Sicherheit ist es eben so.

Zufriedene Sklaven sind die schlimmsten Feinde der Freiheit.

Kreativität ist eine Intelligenz, die Spaß hat.

Wen die Arbeit krank macht, der soll kündigen!

Wenn Deutsche über Moral reden, meinen sie das Geld.

Ein Mensch ohne Erkenntnis ist dann  lediglich ein ängstlicher, aggressiver, unglücklicher Affe.

Denken ist immer grenzüberschreitend.

line-wordpress

Stupidity is demonstrated by people lacking the knowledge they could achieve

Political correctness can be defined as the telling of a lie out of the cowardice in an attempt to avoid upsetting fools not willing to face up to the truth

“In arguments about moral problems, relativism is the first refuge of the scoundrel.” Roger Scruton

Antisemitism is when one blames the Jews or Israel for issues, he does not blame others

Islam is less a religion and more a totalitarian society, an ideology that demands absolute obedience and tolerates no dissent, no criticism, and prohibits the thinking, knowledge and recognition. True Islam is totally different, the one who will find it will receive a very high reward.

Craziness is, when one always does the same but expects a different outcome

If a monkey thinks “I am a monkey”, then it is already a human

A man with roots should go for a pedicure

Self smugness leads to idiocy, being pissed off leads to enlightenment

If someone has something to say, he can tell it always very easily. If someone has nothing to say, he says it in a very complicated way

Addiction is, when somebody does something he wants to do, yet seeks someone who can make it so he won’t do it and doesn’t want to, either.

If the clever people always gave in, the world would be reigned by idiots. Too much “cleverness” makes you stupid.

If one only fights evil to protect life, one produces nothing good at all and such a life then becomes no longer worth living and thus requires no protection, for it is already unlived due to such a total protection. One can spend so much money on insurance, that one has nothing left to insure. Safety works in the same way.

Happy slaves are the worst enemies of freedom.

Creativity is an intelligence having fun.

If working makes you sick, fuck off, leave the work!

If Germans talk about morality, they mean money.

A man without an insight is just an anxious, aggressive, unhappy monkey.

Thinking is always trespassing.

The Darwin Awards: sex differences in idiotic behaviour

Listen to the Audio above!

The Darwin Awards: sex differences in idiotic behaviour

Research Christmas 2014: Going to Extremes

BMJ 2014; 349 doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.g7094 (Published 11 December 2014) Cite this as: BMJ 2014;349:g7094

  1. Ben Alexander Daniel Lendrem, student1,
  2. Dennis William Lendrem, project manager, Institute of Cellular Medicine2,
  3. Andy Gray, consultant orthopaedic trauma surgeon3,
  4. John Dudley Isaacs, director, Institute of Cellular Medicine2

Author affiliations

  1. Correspondence to: B A D Lendrem ben.lendrem@gmail.com
  • Accepted 7 November 2014

Abstract

Sex differences in risk seeking behaviour, emergency hospital admissions, and mortality are well documented. However, little is known about sex differences in idiotic risk taking behaviour. This paper reviews the data on winners of the Darwin Award over a 20 year period (1995-2014). Winners of the Darwin Award must eliminate themselves from the gene pool in such an idiotic manner that their action ensures one less idiot will survive. This paper reports a marked sex difference in Darwin Award winners: males are significantly more likely to receive the award than females (P<0.0001). We discuss some of the reasons for this difference.

Introduction

Sex differences in mortality and admissions to hospital emergency departments have been well documented,1 2 3 4 5 6 7 and hypotheses put forward to account for these differences. These studies confirm that males are more at risk than females. Males are more likely to be admitted to an emergency department after accidental injuries, more likely to be admitted with a sporting injury, and more likely to be in a road traffic collision with a higher mortality rate.1 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Some of these differences may be attributable to cultural and socioeconomic factors: males may be more likely to engage in contact and high risk sports, and males may be more likely to be employed in higher risk occupations. However, sex differences in risk seeking behaviour have been reported from an early age, raising questions about the extent to which these behaviours can be attributed purely to social and cultural differences.10 11 12

However, there is a class of risk—the “idiotic” risk—that is qualitatively different from those associated with, say, contact sports or adventure pursuits such as parachuting. Idiotic risks are defined as senseless risks, where the apparent payoff is negligible or non-existent, and the outcome is often extremely negative and often final.

According to “male idiot theory” (MIT) many of the differences in risk seeking behaviour, emergency department admissions, and mortality may be explained by the observation that men are idiots and idiots do stupid things.16 There are anecdotal data supporting MIT, but to date there has been no systematic analysis of sex differences in idiotic risk taking behaviour. In this paper we present evidence in support of this hypothesis using data on idiotic behaviours demonstrated by winners of the Darwin Award.17 18 19 20 21

Winners of the Darwin Award must die in such an idiotic manner that “their action ensures the long-term survival of the species, by selectively allowing one less idiot to survive.”20 The Darwin Awards Committee attempts to make a clear distinction between idiotic deaths and accidental deaths. For instance, Darwin Awards are unlikely to be awarded to individuals who shoot themselves in the head while demonstrating that a gun is unloaded. This occurs too often and is classed as an accident. In contrast, candidates shooting themselves in the head to demonstrate that a gun is loaded may be eligible for a Darwin Award—such as the man who shot himself in the head with a “spy pen” weapon to show his friend that it was real.18

To qualify, nominees must improve the gene pool by eliminating themselves from the human race using astonishingly stupid methods. Northcutt cites a number of worthy candidates.17 18 19 20 21 These include the thief attempting to purloin a steel hawser from a lift shaft, who unbolted the hawser while standing in the lift, which then plummeted to the ground, killing its occupant; the man stealing a ride home by hitching a shopping trolley to the back of a train, only to be dragged two miles to his death before the train was able to stop; and the terrorist who posted a letter bomb with insufficient postage stamps and who, on its return, unthinkingly opened his own letter.

Methods

Data for the 20 year period from 1995 to 2014 were obtained from the Darwin Awards (http://darwinawards.com). Nominations for a Darwin Award are evaluated according to five rigorous selection criteria: death, style, veracity, capability, and self selection.20

  • The candidate must be eliminated from the gene pool
  • The candidate must show an astounding misapplication of common sense
  • The event must be verified
  • The candidate must be capable of sound judgment
  • The candidate must be the cause of his or her own demise.

The Darwin Awards are open to all ethnic groups, cultures, and socioeconomic groups.

We reviewed all Darwin Award nominations, noting the sex of the winner. Our analysis included only confirmed accounts verified by the Darwin Awards Committee. Urban legends and unverified accounts were excluded. Honourable mentions—worthy examples of idiotic behaviour not resulting in elimination from the gene pool—were also excluded from the analysis. Examples include the man who slipped when using a belt sander as an auto-erotic device and lost a testicle. Repairing his scrotum with a staple gun, he was able to salvage his remaining testicle thus failing to eliminate himself completely from the gene pool.17 18 19 20 21

Statistical analysis

A χ2 test was performed comparing the observed distribution of male and female award winners with the expected numbers under the null hypothesis of no sex difference. For the statistical analysis, we excluded those awards shared by both sexes—usually couples. This meant that under the null hypothesis we assumed Darwin Awards were equally likely to be awarded to males and females according to their approximate distribution in the overall population (50:50). Statistical tests were performed using the SPSS statistical analysis system version 19.

Results

Of the 413 Darwin Award nominations, 332 were independently verified and confirmed by the Darwin Awards Committee. Of these, 14 were shared by male and female nominees—usually overly adventurous couples in compromising positions—leaving 318 valid cases for statistical testing. Of these 318 cases, 282 Darwin Awards were awarded to males and just 36 awards given to females. There is a marked sex difference in Darwin Award winners (see figure). Males thus made up 88.7% of Darwin Award winners, and this sex difference is highly statistically significant (χ2=190.30; P<0.0001).

Male and female Darwin Award winners. Line H0 indicates expected percentages under the null hypothesis that males and females are equally idiotic

Discussion

This paper reports marked sex differences in the distribution of Darwin Award winners, with males much more likely to receive an award. This finding is entirely consistent with male idiot theory (MIT)16 20 and supports the hypothesis that men are idiots and idiots do stupid things.

However, this study has limitations. One of the weaknesses is the retrospective nature of the data collection. One alternative explanation for the marked sex difference in Darwin Award winners is that there is some kind of selection bias. Women may be more likely to nominate men for a Darwin Award, or there may be some selection bias within the Darwin Awards Committee. In addition, there may be some kind of reporting bias. Idiotic male candidates may be more newsworthy than idiotic female Darwin Award candidates.

Despite these limitations there can be little doubt that Darwin Award winners seem to make little or no real assessment of the risk or attempt at risk management. They just do it anyway. In some cases, the intelligence of the award winner may be questioned. For example, the office workers watching a construction worker demolishing a car park in the adjacent lot must have wondered about the man’s intelligence. After two days of office speculation—how does he plan to remove the final support to crash the car park down safely?—they discovered, on the third day, that he didn’t have a plan. The concrete platform collapsed, crushing him to death and flattening his mini-excavator.

In addition, alcohol may play an important part in many of the events leading to a Darwin Award. It is conceivable that the sex difference is attributable to sociobehavioural differences in alcohol use. Anecdotal data support the hypothesis that alcohol makes men feel “bulletproof” after a few drinks, and it would be naïve to rule this out. For example, the three men who played a variation on Russian roulette alternately taking shots of alcohol and then stamping on an unexploded Cambodian land mine. (Spoiler alert: the mine eventually exploded, demolishing the bar and killing all three men.) Unfortunately the data on alcohol consumption are incomplete and do not permit testing for sex differences after adjustment for differences in alcohol consumption between the sexes.

While MIT provides a parsimonious explanation of differences in idiotic behaviour and may underlie sex differences in other risk seeking behaviours, it is puzzling that males are willing to take such unnecessary risks—simply as a rite of passage, in pursuit of male social esteem, or solely in exchange for “bragging rights.” Northcutt invokes a group selectionist, “survival of the species” argument, with individuals selflessly removing themselves from the gene pool. We believe this view to be flawed, but we do think this phenomenon probably deserves an evolutionary explanation. Presumably, idiotic behaviour confers some, as yet unidentified, selective advantage on those who do not become its casualties. Until MIT gives us a full and satisfactory explanation of idiotic male behaviour, hospital emergency departments will continue to pick up the pieces, often literally.

We believe MIT deserves further investigation, and, with the festive season upon us, we intend to follow up with observational field studies and an experimental study—males and females, with and without alcohol—in a semi-naturalistic Christmas party setting.

Notes

Cite this as: BMJ 2014;349:g7094

Footnotes

  • We thank Wendy Northcutt and the Darwin Awards Committee for permission to use their data. BL thanks The King Edward VI School, Morpeth, for its support and declares that the study did not get in the way of homework.
  • Contributors: BADL conceived the study, designed the data collection tools, and cleaned and analysed the data. All authors were involved in interpreting the results and drafting and revising the paper.

This is an Open Access article distributed in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution Non Commercial (CC BY-NC 4.0) license, which permits others to distribute, remix, adapt, build upon this work non-commercially, and license their derivative works on different terms, provided the original work is properly cited and the use is non-commercial. See: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/.

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